Tag Archives: Kosovo Independence

Kosovo Marks Further Double Standards in the Application of International Criterion

“What is good for the goose is good for the gander” English Proverb

On Sunday 17th February, the parliament of Kosovo unanimously approved a declaration of independence from Serbia, marking the end of the dissolution of Yugoslavia and with it the realisation of one Europe’s worst kept secrets.

Despite strong objections from Serbia, Russia and a handful of EU countries and vitally a lack of a UN resolution, it was long anticipated that Kosovo would declare unilateral independence in early 2008.

As the streets of Pristina were overfilled with joy and excitement, just across the small province, the Serbian dominated parts witnessed much violence, anger and upheaval.

The controversial motion sets an ominous precedence for separatist movements across the globe, in spite of EU claims that Kosovo was a ‘special case’. Serbia withdrew ambassadors to a number of countries that supported Kosovar independence and denounced the proclamation of a ‘false state’. Serbia was adamant that the sovereignty of Belgrade over Kosovo was guaranteed by UN and international law.

Clearly, the example of Kosovo shows that statehood can be achieved with the support of key countries across the world. Even without the advent of a UN resolution and particularly support from Russia and China, fervent US support was all that was necessary.

Russia accused the EU of encouraging global separatism and was equally vocal in its criticism of the US in proceedings.

Unsurprisingly, the UN Security Council could not agree on a response to Kosovo’s proclamation but declaration of independence was quickly recognised by US, Britain, Germany and numerous others.

With their own separatist headaches, a number of countries including Russia, Cyprus and Spain refused to recognise the newest member of the European family.

Apprehension by those opposed to the unilateral pursuit of statehood is understandable. After all, the definition of a credible separatist movement from those seeking unlawful division of a sovereign country is proving a very fine line.

Perhaps the most ironic recognition of Kosovo was by Turkey, who was never an avid supporter but its ‘thumbs-up’ to the new state was symbolic nevertheless. Undoubtedly, Kosovo has paradoxical implications for Turkey. On the one hand, it strengthens their claim on the rogue state of Northern Cyprus which they have held by force since 1974 despite no official international recognition. On the other hand, it undermines their bloody war with Kurdish separatists that they have relentlessly tried to quell and have even invaded a neighbouring country under the banner of preserving national security.

The old saying, ‘what is good for the goose is good for the gander’ cannot be discounted.   The situation begs a critical question, as Kosovo and by Turkish implications, Northern Cyprus are justified separatist causes then how can 15 millions Kurds with a rich culture and history dating back thousands of years in the same region be classified as terrorists by the same brush?.

It only goes to highlight the importance of perception. Kosovar independence was endorsed by the US and other powers because its people ‘deserved’ freedom and unmolested sovereignty and by virtue that Serbia had forfeited the claim to the province after a highly-publicised genocide that was conducted in the late 1990’s that culminated in the region becoming a UN administered zone, protected by NATO.

However, the similarities with the Kurds by that same token stretches even deeper. As Kosovar’s suffered under a dictatorship, so have the Kurds for many decades under multiple regimes. Kurds form a great minority in Turkey, Iran and Iraq as Albanians do in Serbia, Greece and Macedonia. Kosovo Albanians also border their ethnic brethren as do the Kurds in four adjacent countries.

However, whilst Albanians already have a country of their own (Albania), the Kurds have nothing. The struggle to establish a ‘Kosovar’ identity in the aftermath of statehood is well documented. Kosovar’s have yet to build a distinctive national image with a lack of an official flag, army and national anthem. After all, it was the greater Albanian flag that was ubiquitous on every corner of Pristina.

The tale of double-crossings and double-standards has been the bane of modern Kurdish history. Forcefully divided, a national of 40 million with its own flag, language, history and distinct national identity has never received the support of global powers.

If the principle of self-determination as touted by former US president Woodrow Wilson or the modern model used for Kosovo is applied equivocally then Kurdistan would have been independent long ago.

The key issue is not whether the Kurds deserve independence (in the same manner as Kosovar’s obviously do), anyone in their rightful mind will not doubt this, even the strongest of foes but it is the loss that some global powers would have by employing these same principles to the Kurds.

For one, the Kurds have masses of oil which was a precursor to their separation in the first place. However, it is the imperialist ploys of the past that continue to make mockery of the new world order.

Unfortunately, the political chess board is full of loop-holes and shallow interpretations. Each pawn will only move in a way afforded by other seemingly superior pieces. Whilst the Kurds advocating even cultural rights are deemed terrorists for defending their identity, other groups are endorsed in the same quest.

Whilst global powers rushed to assist a population of 2 million in Kosovo, millions of Kurds have been the victims of brutal persecution and chemical gassing, while the same advocates of a righteous world turned a blind eye – seemingly to quench their strategic thirst that made the Kurds indispensable by-products.

At least Iraqi Kurdistan can take some heart for the new benchmark set by Kosovo and perhaps even a few tips on Kosovar marketing and systematic approach to achieving their goals.

However, even in the days of so-called equality and globalisation, out dated colonial philosophies are widely in circulation. If Kosovar’s are worthy of independence and freedom then based on what international criteria are separatists in Romania, Georgia and Spain classified as any different?

Obviously, not every nation or group without merit can simply demand independence, this would amount to absolute anarchy across the world but it just goes to show the vague and ambiguous international criterion for assessing the eligibility of statehood. In essence it is simply derived on factors determined to suit the parties around the table.

Ironically, with Kosovo now inhibiting a population of 10% Serbs, the seeds for future conflict and instability have already been sewn. Almost immediately following celebrations in the Kosovar capital, angry Serbs ransacked two border crossings linking Kosovo and Serbia with NATO forces subsequently cutting off Serbs in Kosovo from mainland Serbia.

Remarkably, what is now emerging on the ground is nothing short of a second Kosovo. So what if Serbs in Kosovo were now ethnically cleansed and systemically persecuted, what would the international community then do?

In the case of the Kurds, due to their rich lands and strategic position, independence would only have the same support if global powers would make particular benefit from such a move.

When the newly created state is more strategically significant than its former occupier, former occupiers would be simply powerless to stop the state attaining independence.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Peyamner, Various Misc.

As Kosovo Moves Closer to Independence, Struggle for Self-determination Takes a New Twist

The Serbs have long-considered Kosovo as a cradle of their heritage and nationalist struggle. However, it is ironic that as the legend of the Serbian defeat against Ottoman forces in 1389 in this small province gave it almost a mystical significance to Serbian nationalism, the recent drive towards full independence by Kosovo Albanians, marks the distinct end of the old Yugoslavia and Serbian imperialism.

In a further twist of irony, it was in Kosovo where the seeds for nationalist bloodshed were planted by former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, resulting in a costly ethnically- enthused civil war and the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990’s.

Under UN administration, since NATO bombing halted Serbian forces brutally quelling an insurgency in 1998, the Kosovo independence motion has gained firm momentum. 

This week after a deadline for international mediation efforts passed, the EU announced virtual unity on Kosovo. Crucially supported by the US administration, it is widely except that leaders of Kosovo’s Albanian majority would declare independence before May 2008 or even sooner.

Serbia, supported by Russia, has vehemently opposed independence. This week Russia warned that unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) could set off a vicious ripple affect across the Balkans and beyond.

However, calls for more discussions were seemingly deemed pointless by EU and the US. Mediators from the United States, European Union and Russia announced in a report to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, that months of talks had found no compromise on whether Kosovo should be independent or just self-ruled. The outcome was to virtually place the matter in the hands of the EU and crucially not the UN, making a resolution unlikely.

This paved the way to implement a roadmap orchestrated by United Nations envoy Martti Ahtisaari, which proposes a scheduled transition to independence.

Doubters fear that such a movement will only add venom to separatist campaigns across the world. After all, no resistance or national movement is launched without a solid basis or popular support. Why should the situation of a couple of millions Kosovo Albanians be any different?

Russia is dead-against the motion primarily as it would ignite tensions in Chechnya and other volatile restive provinces in its borders. Georgia is watchful over Abkhazia, where Cyprus, the main EU country to oppose independence, is deeply concerned fearing that it may promote a degree of legitimacy to the rogue state of Northern Cyprus.

Serbia may well launch a campaign to annex the Serb province of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Albania or Macedonia may attempt to form a union with Kosovo. The unpredictability and potential instability this brings to the region can well be off-set by the carrot of future EU membership for the likes of Serbia, however beyond the region, no country as much as Iraqi Kurdistan will be looking at the situation more avidly.

After all, Kurdish culture, history and heritage run thousands of years before the Kosovo Albanians. The population of the Kurds in Iraq alone is 6 million and close to 40 million beyond. With all the markings for a state of their own, Kurdistan was selfishly carved amongst highly oppressive regimes and the Kurdish question was left to rot like an unwanted corpse outside the United Nations and left to linger in the streets of international diplomacy.

Perhaps, double standards were common and almost excepted in the days gone by. However, this is a new age and Turkey in particular, remaining suspiciously quite over the Kosovo debate, will be taking firm notes.

If the United States and the EU can endorse and encourage a nationalist movement to safeguard the security of a minority then it should have no choice but to support a Kurdish state, oppressed on a much larger scale. Clearly, any logical and wise observer can see that the time is not right to declare independence in the age of such great hostility by the Turks, Persians and Arabs, but the international community should at a minimum champion the right of the Kurds to statehood and crucially setup and implement a similar roadmap it has so passionately supported in Kosovo and Palestine.

At a minimum, looming Kosovo independence sets a yard-stick for political struggles and adds a new dimension to the right of self-determination.

The Kurds around the world should take great heart form this debacle and celebrate Kosovan independence as much as the Albanians.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Hewler Post (Kurdish), Peyamner, Various Misc.