Category Archives: Kurdish Globe

As the “last great oil frontier”, the battle between Kurdistan and Iraq continues apace

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One of the main topics of contention between the KRG and Baghdad has been agreement on a national hydrocarbon law, format of oil sharing and specifically the ownership and jurisdiction of huge oil discoveries in the Kurdistan Region.

As the number of oil companies flocking to the region has steadily grown in recent years so has the general anger and animosity from Baghdad. However, with hopes of reaching a breakthrough on the elusive national hydrocarbon law dashed earlier this year were a draft oil and gas law was rejected in parliament, the Kurds have continued the development of their region and in particular their oil sector at speed.

Whilst major oil giants have stayed out of the Kurdistan scene for fear of upsetting Baghdad and potentially losing a greater slice of the cake further south, things took an unexpected and historic turn this week with the announcement that oil giant Exxon Mobil had signed a milestone oil contract with the Kurdistan Region to explore six fields in the region.

Dubbed as the “last major oil frontier”, the broad global interest and world class oil discoveries has put Kurdistan firmly on the map, however, the region as well as the smaller players have been eagerly awaiting the entry of the big actors that will undoubtedly change the tide.

The oil giants may have stepped aside and let the minors run the show in Kurdistan to date but it has become increasingly evident that as time passes by and with little sign of a breakthrough in the ratification of a commonly accepted oil law, those who linger in the background will lose out greatly in the long run. As the widely acknowledged last frontier, oil companies must arrive first or arrive too late.

The deal with Exxon Mobil may have been drawn on an economic basis but certainly the political ramifications echo a lot louder. In the short-term it makes reconciliation with Baghdad that much more difficult but ultimately as oil giants wane into the equation, finding resolutions with Kurdistan have to be taken a lot more seriously and Baghdad will have no choice but seek concord.

Almost inevitably the deal sparked immediate condemnation from Baghdad, with Deputy Prime Minister for Energy Affairs Hussein al-Shahristani, a long-time nemesis of the Kurdish position on oil, giving Exxon Mobil the choice to either work on the West Qurna fields in the south or on the fields in Kurdistan whilst deeming such contracts with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) as illegal. “Exxon has violated the ministry directions and instructions concerning the companies working in Kurdistan,” said Abdul-Mahdy al-Ameedi, director of the oil ministry”s contracts and licensing directorate.

However, the greater significance is Exxon Mobil”s choice in essentially siding with Kurdistan. They knew very well what Baghdad”s response was likely to be having been warned a number of times during the negotiations with the KRG and the fact they risked their involvement in the development of the 8.7-billion-barrel West Qurna Phase One oil field in the south speaks volumes. They knew the consequence in drawing the wrath of Baghdad but still saw a stronger attraction to Kurdistan.

According to sources, Washington had warned Exxon Mobil”s about the risks of striking any deal with the KRG amidst a backdrop of hostility from Baghdad. In reality, such a deal would not have been possible without the consent of the US government. As oil giants are made to take difficult positions in ongoing friction between Baghdad and Erbil, increasingly global powers such as America would also need to take a position on the matter one way or another. Either way, standing on the side-lines politically or economically as the years ensue and progress is protracted at best in Iraq will serve no side.

As the feuds continue between Baghdad and Erbil, unless Baghdad can finally find a long-term resolution, more and more firms will have to choose between Kurdistan and Iraq. In this manner, the issue is not over Kurds of Iraq or over a federal region of Iraq but almost between two states – Kurdistan and Iraq.

With the discovery of huge oil reserves in recent years, the region is beginning to realise its much anticipated potential. With reserves of up to 45billion barrels of oil and a booming infrastructure, Kurdistan is becoming a force within its own right, with or without Baghdad.

Ironically, Shahristani is no longer the Iraqi Oil Minister but has continued to maintain a hard-line on Kurdistan oil projects on what has become more of a personal battle than a federal power management dispute. A key condition for the Kurdish support for the current Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki”s coalition was a ratification of oil contracts signed by the KRG with dozens of oil firms. Although, exports have resumed, it is by no means at the capacity that Kurdistan can produce and frosty relations have continued with disputes over payments to foreign firms under PSC agreements blighting any short-term gains.

At the same time as the announcement of the Exxon Mobil deal, KRG Oil Minister Ashti Hawrami confirmed that they were in talks with another two major oil companies which would bolster the region further.

However, on the back of the major fallout surrounding the Exxon Mobil deal, it was reported that Royal Dutch Shell Plc, who were rumoured to have strong interest in the Kurdistan Region, had decided to pull out of oil exploration and development talks with the KRG. This was clearly a ploy to protect its lucrative investments in southern Iraq much to the disappointment of the Kurds.

Either way, even if no other oil giants join the Kurdistan arena in the foreseeable future, a major taboo has been broken. Baghdad”s continued stance towards deals brokered by the KRG and its seemingly lack of enthusiasm to see KRG prosper ahead of the rest if Iraq, places the already fragile coalition in Baghdad into further doubt.

As Kurds become increasingly disillusioned with Baghdad over oil disputes and territorial disputes that shows no signs of progress, they are more likely than ever to take matters into their hands. As witnessed with Exxon Mobil and encouraging diplomatic support from abroad in the stand-off with Baghdad, other entities will increasingly support Kurdistan in its strategic goals and the fulfilment of its immense potential.

Tony Hayward, the former chief executive of BP and now the head of Genel Energy, voiced his support for the deal while the UK government simultaneously waned into the dispute. Michael Aron, the UK ambassador to Iraq, urged both parties to resolve longtime differences and end the heightened uncertainty for those signing contracts in Kurdistan.

Many expect a continuation of mergers and consolidation of the oil sector in Kurdistan. As oil minors make increasingly lucrative discoveries, the chances of them combining to become majors will become an increasing reality. Just this week Norway”s DNO announced it was open to partnerships, with Turkey”s Genel Enerji touted as a potential partner.

The Kurdistan Blocs Coalition (KBC) in the Iraqi parliament strongly criticised Shahristani”s stance on the oil deal with Exxon Mobil, while the KRG were quick to point out that the deal was good for all of Iraq.

After all, if Baghdad truly sees the Kurds as partners and the Kurdistan Region as an integral component of Iraq, then why should the prosperity and advancement of Kurdistan be such an issue for Baghdad?

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

The growing strategic role of the KRG in the region

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Once considered the “problem” of the Kurdish nationalist struggles in Turkey and Iran, the KRG is now a ray of hope for peace and mediation

As a major Turkish military incursion into Kurdistan slowly wanes in the aftermath of the fierce national backlash that resulted from the deadliest PKK attack since 1993, attention needs to urgently move towards a long-term solution to Kurdish struggle in Turkey.

The continuous cycle of PKK attacks met by the military might of Turkey has been raging for decades with no clear end-game in sight. Unless Turkey makes serious diplomatic overtures and the PKK shows real intent to lay down their arms the prospect of peace will be as distant as ever.

The Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) has found itself in the cross-fire between PKK and PJAK on one side and Turkey and Iran on the other over the years. Too often in the past the Turkish and Iranian governments have been quick to label the Kurdistan Region as the “problem”, even though the true foundations of their struggles were laid at home.

Increasingly there is now growing appreciation and recognition of the KRG as the fulcrum of any potential resolution and the facilitator of peace. As the official Kurdish representation in the region and with growing economical, strategic and strategic clout, the Kurdistan Region has become the hub of the Kurdish renaissance everywhere and indeed become a real interlocutor of the Kurdish nationalist struggles in Turkey, Iran and Syria.

This week Kurdistan Region president Massoud Barzani paid a visit to Tehran with the goal of reinforcing bilateral ties, a sense of brotherhood and emphasizing the shared goals of both governments. Iran’s Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi’s and Barzani both decreed this week that the issue of PJAK rebels, at war with Iran was “over”. This was a symbolic statement and if the long-term situation is upheld then this proves a significant achievement for all sides.

There is no doubt that it was more the mediation of the Kurdistan Region than the firepower of Iran that resulted in the accomplishment of a ceasefire between PJAK and Tehran.

In a similar vein Barzani is due to make an official visit to Turkish sometime this month at the request of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The common theme will be ensuring the peace and security of the Turkish border, reemphasizing strong ties between Erbil and Ankara but also the direct involvement of the KRG in facilitating a solution that can appease all sites and achieve elusive peace.

PKK leader Murat Karayılan’s recent statement reaffirmed the belief that Barzani will be at the forefront of a peaceful solution to the Turkish struggle in Turkey.

Barzani message is likely to be a reiteration of a tough line with the PKK, that the Kurdistan region can no longer accept any entity that will jeopardize their crucial relations with Turkey. However, Barzani will also make clear to Ankara of the need to settle their internal affairs in a peaceful and democratic fashion and not punish all Kurds within Turkey as well as the Kurdistan region for the actions of a few.

Turkey has tried and frequently failed to entice the KRG into a direct struggle with fellow Kurds and at the same time has failed to enact practical reform that the Turkish Kurds have so long craved with their democratic opening program a case of stop-start at best.

The solution to the PKK struggle lies in Turkey’s hand and with the right overtures and the crucial support of the KRG there is every chance that true peace can be achieved in Turkey.

In order to achieve such a vital solution, the Turkish government must pay serious heed to the demands of the PKK and allow direct and constructive negotiations with the PKK leadership. Turkey cannot simply choose to ignore the PKK demands, take for granted the Kurdish desire in Turkey by continuously neglecting democratic and constitutional reform and at the same time to choose to violate the sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region.

If Turkey is intent on true and long lasting resolution to its age-old Kurdish dilemma then it needs to make difficult choices and choose a clear way forward. It cannot exclusively be on terms that they the dictate and expect resolutions as they desire. There many factors and parties that Turkey need to consider and Ankara must make difficult sacrifices.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Accept my hand as a brother and an equal

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The days of colonialism, imperialism, subjugation and inequality are over. I have as much right to live in peace and security as you. I am not better than you and you are not better than me. This is as much my lands yours, as much my earth as yours and as much my God as yours. I am willing to participate and cooperate with you in fraternity, equality and mutual prosperity.

All human beings were created equal as was all ethnicities. Your worth to me is not dictated by your self-proclaimed wealth, class or strategic standing. The death or suffering of one of mine is equal to the death and suffering of one of yours. The tears of my mother are as sacred and regrettable as the tears of yours.

As we cry for help and our homes lie in rubble and ruin, we ask you to look at us as no different as any of your own. Our earthquake tragedy in Van shows us that we are all mere mortals and nothing but flesh and blood at the mercy of our Lord.

I implore you to reach out a helping hand, not to see our pain as a distant anguish but a travesty and pain of your own.

A time like this shows us the need for spirituality, unity, kindness and humility. Let our suffering and pain become the source of future joy and reconciliation. Let this be a stepping stone to a mutual turning of a new page, to the beginning of a new chapter, to the commencement of a new age.

While you touch others with kindness and generosity abroad, please do not forget that charity begins at home. Our hands are outstretched and eagerly expectant yours in return.

The right to democracy, peace and security is not solely yours but a right of mine and all of mankind. We are not any less deserving than any nation to be party to human rights and international charters. We are tired and frustrated from decades of turmoil, suffering and been harshly caught in the cross fire of your policies.  Please do not tarnish our image and peaceful nature for the acts and policies of a few amongst us.

I am not a terrorist and do not want wish to spill blood. Please respect my wish to live in peace, to strive for a better future for me and my children and to live in unmolested joy and freedom. Respect my right to live in democracy, in equality and according to the culture and ways of my forefathers.

I am as proud of my history as you are of yours, as proud of my heritage and as proud of my ancestry. My notion of national pride is based on a mutual respect of yours and not as a means of treating other nationalities, cultures and histories as sub-standard to mine.

Together we are stronger. Together we can build bridges. In togetherness lie our destiny and the gates of our common prosperity. Accept my hand as a brother and an equal. Let us embrace peace, love and friendship. Our past may be mired by suffering but our future can built according to our heart and desire.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Withdraw without condition

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As Turkey enters Iraq for “revenge”, the wider context is overlooked once more  

A chilling and coordinated attack by PKK rebels that led to the death of at least 24 Turkish soldiers and many wounded sent shockwaves throughoutTurkey.

Such was the determination for a harsh response that the Turkish army quickly launched a massive ground invasion of Kurdistan on yet another quest to defeat the rebels. “A large-scale land operation, backed by air strikes, has begun in five separate spots insideTurkeyand across the border with 22 battalions,” the military general staff said in a statement.   

Turkish president, Abdullah Gul had vowed “revenge” and a stern response under a watchful and enraged public eye. The harsh Turkish reprisal may benefit the PKK as it means a renewed straining of ties between Ankara and Erbil, places the Iraqi Kurds into a difficult corner and simultaneously diminishes the chances of a political resolution to the Kurdish problem inTurkey.

The President of the Kurdistan Region, Massoud Barzani, strongly condemned the latest attacks while labeling the event as a “crime”. With Nechirvan Barzani already inAnkara, the common theme was to soothe Turkish tensions and reinforce brotherhood betweenTurkeyand the Kurdistan Region. However, ultimately Ankara would not be swayed from its intent to show the PKK and possibly even Erbil just who calls the shots in the region. 

Clashes between troops and rebels have intensified in the aftermath of the recent national elections inTurkey, resulting in significant aerial bombardment and shelling by Turkish forces in the border regions in recent months. However, the manner of the recent attacks, which coincided with the establishment of a committee to oversee the rewriting of the Turkish constitution, sent alarm bells ringing in Ankara and under a cloud of public anger forced the Turkish government to respond with strong measures.

The attacks by rebels resulted in the biggest military death toll since 1993 and were met with international wide condemnation.

As many political powers renewed their support for the Turkish quest to eradicate the rebels, there is a great danger that once againTurkeyand its allies are overlooking the wider context of events.

Such was the nature of the attack that none would expect Turkey remain idle but it is easy for foreign powers to look at this as an individual incident rather than with the framework that the issue deserves.

This is a deep-rooted, emotively-charged and bloody 27-year war that has cost in excess of 40,000 lives, billions of dollars, destruction of villages and caused immense mental scarring. This is the not the first attack and certainly not the last. History has clearly proved the limits of military power even for the second largest army in NATO.

As long as the Kurdish political actors in Turkey remain weak and the Kurds are deprived of real political representation, the PKK will continue to act as the default flag-bearer of the Kurds, even if it does not necessarily represent the greater will of the Kurdish population. The growing focus on PKK as the source of the Kurdish problem and the ongoing energy consumed by the government to defeat the rebels as a way to overcome the Kurdish issue places the Kurds into a difficult predicament.

The greater Kurdish population yearns for peace and not violence and is tired and frustrated from decades of political, social and economic handicaps that the ongoing conflict has caused.

Turkey has acted against the PKK and this is a natural retaliation for any government, however, it needs to urgently employ a dual approach whereby it also reassures the greater Kurdish population of the Turkish will for fraternity, to solve their age old Kurdish dilemma, that the democratic opening remains a priority and that the government does not intend to punish all Kurds for the actions of a few.

The era of violence in the pursuit of political goals has certainly diminished but Turkey must also prove that it has turned the page not just in words but also in practical steps.

The Turkish state belongs to both the Kurds and Turks and this is a fact that nothing can mask. Only true reconciliation and brotherhood can propelTurkeyto the heights it intends to achieve and mentalities and policies of the past can never exclusively disadvantage the Kurdish populated south eastern part ofTurkey.

The Kurds can be factor that fuels a new strategic strength of Turkey in Europe and Asia or it can be factor that will indefinitely blight and drag the whole of Turkeyas a “sick power”.

As emotions run dangerously high inTurkey, it is of paramount importance that the US, European and regional powers act as a blanket of comfort to both Turks and Kurds. Obliterating the Iraqi Kurdistan regional areas with a show of firepower will never achieve Turkish goals. If a military solution was such a viable reality all these years, why wouldTurkeywait until 2011 and thousands of lives later to resolve this issue?

US President Barrack Obama, whilst harshly condemning the attacks inTurkey, emphasizes that “…the Turkish people, like people everywhere, deserve to live in peace, security and dignity.” While Obama’s statement is valid, there should not be hesitation by world powers to utter the word “Kurds” in the same breath.

There should be a distinct emphasis on the equal rights of the Kurdish population to live in peace, security and within the framework of international charters. While Turkey has made a number of strides in this regard, it is by no means at the level expected for a global power that is actively seeking to expand its sphere of influence.

Turkey continues to live under fear of its significant Kurdish minority rather than embracing them as a true and integral component of the state. At the same time, the Kurds look towards Turkeywith distrust and lack of conviction.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon emphasised the necessity for both Iraq and Turkeyto work together to end what he deemed as “unacceptable” cross-border attacks by Kurdish PKK rebels. Ban’s insistence that the sovereignty of both Turkey and Iraq must be respected was a welcome step. This matter is not simply about appeasing angry or nationalistic sentiments inAnkara, the matter has far greater ramifications across the region.

Within Turkey itself, the much maligned BDP found itself engrossed in the cross fire yet again. It has been subject to heavy criticism by the Turkish government which has culminated in an all time low for relations between both parties as a result of the Kurdish boycott of parliament and the subsequent unilateral declaration of democratic autonomy in the Kurdish areas.

BDP co-chairpersons Gülten Kışanak and Selahattin Demirtaş called for peace as the only solution in a written statement, “We say ‘enough’ to this war and these deaths. The painful picture today once again shows that Turkey urgently needs peace…”

In spite of calls for unity and reconciliation by the BDP, the AKP government quickly poured water on any air of sincerity or warmth generated by such overtures by once again branding the BDP and the PKK with the same brush.

The AKP, which still received a large portion of Kurdish votes, should not renege on its promise to implement its democratic opening or to focus on developing the south eastern region. The idea that there is no longer a Kurdish problem but a terrorism problem is wrong. The so-called terrorist issue comes from the Kurdish problem the Kurdish problem does not come from the terrorism issue.

One of the main reasons for the stalling of the democratic opening was the increasing nationalist resistance inTurkey. The rising hawkish voices ensure that the hands of the government become restrained and progress reverses rather than making any significant strides forward.

As Turkey answers Kurdish rebels with a strong fist, it must also show the Kurds that it will not forsake their rights, demands and voices for the sake of the appeasing only the Turkish sentiments.

More importantly, Turkey should do all it can to respect the sovereignty of the KRG and withdraw without condition.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Hewler Post (Kurdish), Online Opinion, eKurd, Various Misc.

The global economic crisis – the product of today’s buy now pay later culture

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The last four years have witnessed a global economic crisis not seen since the great depression of the 1930’s. With the global economy as intertwined as ever, a brewing credit crisis in America swiftly sent shockwaves and a domino effect throughout the continents.

With export, import, currency valuation, national deficit and controlling inflation such interdependent components of any economy, significant changes or a crisis in one zone can quickly sprout crisis in other regions.

While the global economy limped to recovery from its lows of the 2009’s, a number of factors have recently pointed to a slowdown of the recovery and a possibility that has sent shivers down all investors  – a double dip recession or worse the onset of a depression.

Such fears and general anxiety is one of the main reasons for the extreme volatility experienced in the world stock markets in recent months, with commodity prices yo-yoing as sentiments has changed daily. While everyone has looked to governments for surety, to act swiftly and to maintain stability, in truth the hands of many government particularly that of Washington is tied.

The mechanisms employed that contributed to containment and gradual easing of the first economic crisis is clearly not a long term answer. For example, while many have hoped for another round of quantitative easing in the US, throwing more “money” into solving a money crisis is clearly not a sustainable solution. The US debt is increasing by trillions each year and it’s the children of the future that will be left to suffer from the economic short-sightedness of today.

The common denominator in the crisis of 2008 and the brewing crisis of the current time is credit. While it may be easy to borrow more money to pay off your debts or to ensure the economic cycle continues, at the same time this creates a dangerous long-term conundrum that can easily lead to the collapse of a country.

The theme underpinning discussions and initiatives to calm and contain the current economic crisis is the cutting of the national deficits. National debt is a natural reality and can be key to revitalising a country, however, when the deficit enlarges exponentially and at the same time the government income declines, as per instance the population become weary to spend or job growth declines leading to higher unemployment, the government is unable to contain its debts and becomes susceptible to an economic collapse and a defaulting of its debts.

While in the previous years it was large banks that were bailed out across Europe and America, the perils have increased as governments received bailouts.

In the past year Ireland, Portugal and more infamously Greece have received bailouts. In the case of Greece, the need for larger bailouts has become a growing necessity and a stark reality. The economy is struggling, unemployment is increasing and crucially the deficit austerity measures employed as a condition for receipt of bailout funds have not kept pace with the ever increasing funds needed to plug immediate debt gaps.

With the Eurozone and the Euro become a sacred icon of the European landscape, the idea of allowing Greece to exit the Eurozone or leaving it to default on its debts has become a red-line.

As a “smaller” economy, bailing out Greece is not such a big problem. However, many now fear the worst, that other countries will soon follow foot. The credit rating of many European powers and chillingly the first cut of credit for the US have only exasperated uncertainty.

Two countries staying above water for now are Italy and Spain, both with large deficits and ambitious austerity budgets. With the volatility experienced in bond markets, both countries could easily be sucked into a vicious cycle where only significant bailouts would prevent economic ruin.

With all the talk of bailouts and financial aid, the question of just who will pay for all this is constantly overlooked. With major economies in a fragile shape, government debts already at record levels, understandably no country has jumped at the prospect of contributing bullions more in bailout funds.

As the months have passed and Eurozone crisis in particular has gathered pace, it has become ever apparent that only an all-encompassing Eurozone bailout facility could contain the crisis. This has led to controversy in a number of more established economies particular that of Germany and also in countries such as France who are particularly exposed to the Greek crisis as main creditors.

Short-term solutions should not mask the wholesale changes needed across the global economy, including tighter regulatory control of the banking system, a deficit levels that matches the profile and economic growth of a country and also a need to avoid ignoring the fiscal failing of another country as “their problem”. Your neighbour’s problem could very soon be your problem.

The need to work together will become critical with the world population fast reaching 7 billion. The demand of oil, staple foods and general resources has already pushed up global prices with global poverty threatening to increase even further than the rates of today.

 A greedy mentality amongst bankers, uncontrolled capitalism and governments who refuse to look at long-term debt measures, only adds fuel to a growing fire.

Kurdistan as a flourishing economy is developing an economic foundation for a number of reasons. If the government controls debts and deficit levels at an early stage, this could safeguard Kurdistan economically for decades to come. Kurdistan has practically no debts and is self-sufficient – its spending could easily be facilitated by it growing clout as an oil power.

Much like the global crisis of the past few years, which has had minimal impact on Kurdistan with the exception of declining oil prices, the Kurdistan government must take heed before crisis strikes.

Although the Kurdish economy is in a stable shape, key deficiencies should also serve as long-term alarm bells. The lack of an effective tax system, social welfare and privatisation could undermine prosperity in the years to come.

Kurdistan should establish a solid private banking system, a facilitation of controlled loans to the general population, allow income taxes to create revenues and ensure the private sector is given firm backing.

The economy should be diversified to allow other sectors such as tourism and production to increase and to ensure that the import and export ratios are closely watched. Self-sufficiency is key and by allowing disproportionate import levels, a declining agriculture and over reliance on a single source of income, Kurdistan could become engulfed in regional and global economic crisis and more crucially become susceptible to policies of its neighbouring powers.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Republication Sources: Various Misc.

Turkey’s new saviour role in the region undercut by its refusal to resolve age-old issue at home

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Turkish support of Palestinian statehood and human rights in the Middle East is all the more ironic as the real issue of the region, a solution to the Kurdish national struggle is overlooked.

As Turkey attempts to accelerate itself as a reborn champion of the Middle East, at the same time its highly anticipated “Democratic Opening” aimed at resolving its age old Kurdish dilemma has ground to a halt. Turkey continues a reach out to its neighbours but increasingly neglects to resolve historic problems on its doorstep.

In the past few years, Turkey has increasingly strengthened its influence over the eastern Mediterranean and the greater Middle East. While for decades Turkey looked more closely to its West than its Eastern frontier, there has clearly been a shift as it tries to muster an Ottoman-like prominence over the region.

With the prospect of EU membership seemingly  becoming more distant and the growing economical connotations that have come with improving relations with its eastern neighbours coupled with the huge energy incentives that come with Turkey’s unique geographical location, Turkey has realised that the key to its future lies with its past.

As Turkey has moved closer to its Arab and Iranian neighbours its relations with Israel have deteriorated exponentially much to the dismay of the US. The growing popularity of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan coincides with the Arab spring where Turkey promoted itself as a saviour of repressed peoples and a stalwart of human rights.

While Arabs may have gained tremendously from the historic revolutionary dawn, this has placed Israel into tight corner where its relative peace with Egypt and its neighbours has been greatly jeopardised.

One the back of rising anti-Israeli rhetoric, now Turkey finds itself at the spearhead of a contentious plan by the Palestinian government to push through recognition of statehood at the UN. This has placed the US under a challenging predicament were it could easily veto such proposals but ultimately face a great own-goal in its credibility in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

At same time as building bridges with the Arab community, Turkey continues to foster warm ties with Tehran. Suddenly Turkey finds itself with a hand in critical matters across the region from Cairo, Jerusalem, Damascus, Beirut and Baghdad to Tehran.

With Turkey enjoying a regional renaissance akin to its yesteryears keeping them onside has been ever more critical for the US.

All the while as Turkey flexes its new socio-political muscles, its Achilles heel remains on the backburner but as fervent as ever – a genuine solution to its Kurdish problem. It seems that whenever a social earthquake strikes the Middle East from the post Ottoman days to the current Arab spring, it is the Kurds that lose out.

Turkey’s passionate defence of what it deems rightful Palestinian statehood is all the more ironic as it denied the mere existence of the Kurds for decades. But as the Kurdish problem gathers dust on Ankara’s political shelf, just who is pressurising the Turks to resolve its age old problem?

Palestinian may be deserving of statehood but can anyone genuinely say that a 22nd Arab state is more justified than Kurdish independence?

The Kurds continue to act as one of most pro-US groups around, yet the US is rushing to appease Turkish demands at the expense of Kurds to save face at the UN and keep its other historic allies onside. A trade-off for a Turkish backdown on its insistence on unilateral Palestinian declaration of independence is likely to be direct American assistance to oust the PKK rebels, including deployment of US predator drones.

It is remarkable that as the Kurdistan Region gets bombed from both sides of its border and as Baghdad attempts to dilute their power to the south, the US keeps a silent profile.

Rather than propelling the steady Kurdish advancement, it appears leaning towards its “bigger” partners who appear intent on not just reining the Kurdish rebels but the region itself. Turkish and Iranian firepower serves as a reminder to the Kurdistan Region as much as the rebels just who calls the shots in the region.

Kosovar independence was fast tracked with the assistance of the EU, US and Turkey as a justified special case, much in the same way as South Sudan and now Palestine looks to join the list sooner or later.

Ironically, those same powers also consider Kurdistan a special case but to detriment of the Kurdish nation. Kurdish independence is considered a special case due to geopolitical ramifications i.e. fear that Kurdish independence in any of its parts would cause tidal waves and instability in others.

However, those that consider Kurdistan a special case are those same powers that created this artificial predicament.

As Kurdistan was selfishly carved up and denied the same rights that were given to other ethnicities, who asked the Kurds how they wanted to decide their own destiny?

While all parts of Kurdistan have undergone decades of repression and genocide under successive regimes, where was the US, UN and Europe to champion their rights or talk about “justified cases”?

Any established nation has the right to unmolested existence, to decide its own affairs and to express cultural freedom. No nation has the right to submerge, rule-over or deny outright another nation.

 These fundamental principles are one of the main reasons why the League of Nations and later the UN was created and why many wars have been waged against rogue regimes and dictators trespassing international charters.

 Clearly, in the case of Kosovo, South Sudan and Palestine such international charters are interpreted and implemented to suit strategic, ideological and political goals.

 The Kurdistan Region can be a power to be reckoned with if it maintains internal unity and refuses to succumb to bullying from regional and global powers and double standards to the adoption of UN charters.

 There is no doubt that the Kurdistan Region relies greatly on Turkish and Iranian support but they must not accept to be viewed as inferior partners but great strategic actors in their own rights. Kurdistan has masses of oil at its disposal and neighbouring partners are starting to realise a long held anxiety, a Kurdish boom underpinned by oil.

PKK and PJAK must lay down their arms for the days of armed struggles are gone. But the end of such rebel groups must be met with a genuine opportunity for peace and brotherhood. If Turkey continues to view the Kurdish issue as a terrorist issue then another 100 years will not end bloodshed and suffering. If the fundamental social polarisation remains intact, the demise of one rebel will simply result in the rise of another.

As Turkey builds extensions to its formidable looking house, without a true resolution to its Kurdish issue, its foundations are susceptible to crumbling at any time.

As for the US and UN, rather than  a continuation of supporting policies detrimental to the Kurdish cause, they must employ a genuine desire and effort to resolve the real issue of the Middle East – Kurdistan, not Palestine.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Latest disappointment with oil draft gives Kurds spur to break an already fragile coalition

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Oil has unenviably proved as the paradoxical treasure and curse of the Mesopotamian plains. With the third largest oil reserves in the world, Iraq has the potential to become one of the most solid and prosperous economies in the world and bring with it a great standard of living for it people.

However, the gift of nature has seen it empower and finance brutal dictatorial regimes and facilitate a centralisation of power that has been used to forcefully bind Iraq’s disparate social mosaic. Whoever controlled oil had the keys to the gates of Iraq. In this light, the Sunni’s used their control of oil revenues to underpin their power and influence.

Kurdistan was severely affected by policies of exclusion and systematic negligence that saw a very limited amount of its legitimate portion of Iraq’s oil revenues spent on infrastructure. Free from the clutches of dictatorship, the Kurds were able to progress from a standing start by building new roads, hospitals, universities and various facilities.

Given a unique chance to shape the new Iraq, Kurds and Shiites were keen to leave their imprint on the Iraqi oil sector. Ironically, while Sunni’s used oil to consolidate power, the majority of Iraq’s oil wealth is actually located in the Kurdish and Shiite regions, one of the contributing factors to a sense of Sunni despair in post-Saddam Iraq.

Sharing of the cake

Iraq has had a number of significant political handicaps to overcome as it has stumbled on the transitional path to democracy. The format of a new hydrocarbon oil law has proved the most strenuous of laws to agree.

The sharing of the Iraqi cake amongst a number of diverse and embittered groups has had ramifications in a number of spheres, but none more so than in the oil law that has come to epitomise the difficult challenge of keeping all sides happy.

Striking concord on the law oil law has implications on a number of other thorny issues plaguing Iraq such as federalism, balance of power and status of disputed territories

Over four years since the original draft was rejected amidst a highly charged and animated parliament, the task of formulating a draft that would appease all parties appears as elusive as ever.

Kurdish rebuke of new law

Any hope for ratification of the new oil draft that was passed by the Iraqi cabinet and submitted to parliament, were quickly dashed as the presidency of the Kurdistan region condemned efforts to usher the new draft in parliament.

Discussions around the oil law continue to place Kurdistan and Baghdad at loggerheads with the Kurds denouncing the current draft as contradicting the principles of the constitution.

Baghdad has refused to relinquish its historic grasp on the oil industry while the Kurds are keen to explore and develop their immense hydrocarbon potential. According to the Iraqi constitution there is a clear delineation between control of new oil fields and existing oil fields.

As a largely unexplored entity, almost all of Kurdistan’s newfound wealth can be considered as newly discovered.

As the gulf between both parties has grown over oil sharing, Kurdistan has continued a unilateral development of its oil sector with the awarding of dozens of oil contracts to foreign firms to the annoyance of Baghdad that has repeatedly deemed any deals without its consent as illegal.

The stalemate has gathered pace as a number of smaller oil exploration companies have struck black gold in spectacular fashion. As further oil wells are drilled, more flow tests prove successful and more seismic data is undertaken, the strength and potential of Kurdistan swells by the day.

Gulf Keystone Petroleum (GKP) is one British company that has benefited hugely from its eagerness to jump the queue. The potential recoverable resources has seemingly increased by billions of barrels as each new well has proved a success and GKP alone stands to have anything between 7-11 billion barrels of oil on its books. Other companies have included DNO, Genel Energy, Western Zagros and Heritage Oil with degrees of success.

While Kurdistan’s rise as a respectable oil power has been historic, its quest is greatly restricted by the noose that is Baghdad.

Issues over payments to third parties, revenue sharing, transportation of oil and Baghdad’s refusal to recognise any oil contracts signed by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) threatens to derail Kurdish aspirations and at the same time deepen the animosity between Arabs and Kurds.

Kurdistan has been allowed to make limited exports but payment issues have quickly limited throughput.

Whilst Kurdistan is enjoying increasing attention from major global oil giants, threats by Baghdad to blacklist firms signing contracts with Kurdistan have deterred many parties. Only recently Iraq’s Oil Ministry excluded U.S. oil firm Hess Corp from competing in the 4th round of its auction of oil fields.

Basis for political concord

Such is the Kurdish sentiment on the enactment of a balanced oil law that it has formed a key prerequisite for Kurdish support of the current coalition.

However, much like the many promises over the implementation of article 140, the lack of reconciliation on oil law has served to only antagonise the Kurds.

While Baghdad has criticised the Kurds over the awarding of oil contracts, it has continued to encourage development of its oil industry with a number of contracts already signed and a fourth round of bidding currently on the table and scheduled to be finalised by January. This is in addition three major natural gas fields that were auctioned to foreign firms last year.

Baghdad has continued to encourage major oil films while at the same time the national oil draft has gathered dust. Iraq currently produces around 2.7 million barrels of oil per day (bpd) and has an ambitious target to multiply this to 12 million bpd in less than 6 years.

Grapple for power

Although pluralist governance and federalism was a key cornerstone of the constitution, Baghdad’s attempts of solidifying central control and diluting regional powers have been evident in recent years.

As the autonomy of the Kurdistan Region has continuously strengthened, one of the remaining ‘sticks’ to wane Kurdish advancement is Baghdad’s hegemony over oil.

Many countries have welcomed the potential role of Kurdistan as a core supplier to the long-awaited Nabucco gas pipeline but it was ironically Iraq that condemned and jeopardised such motions.

Potential deals by the Iraqi oil ministry to supply gas to Europe places a further cloud on Kurdish ambitions.

At the end of the day, billions barrels of oil are facts that speak volumes. As the economic and wealth of Kurdistan expands so does its influence and strategic power. One of major factors that saw the once unthinkable visit of a Turkish prime minister was the growing economic ties between Turkey and Kurdistan as much as a political thawing.

The likes of Turkey may have been weary of Kurdish oil been used to power its independence in the past but the reward as many foreign investors have discovered is too good to miss.

In the meantime, it could be a while yet before a draft oil law is passed by parliament. The new dispute over the hydrocarbon law may at the same time strike a fatal blow to an already sick political alliance in Baghdad.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: eKurd, Various Misc.

Recent attacks show the fragility of the situation

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It is Ramadan in Iraq. A month of humility, peace, forgiveness and charity. However, a number of deadly coordinated attacks in the past week shattered any hope that even hard-line groups in Iraq may show some semblance of remorse or humanity.

Ironically, al-Qaeda, the group widely believed to be behind the spate of bloodshed, is the self-proclaimed flag bearer of Islam.

The 42 attacks this week did not discriminate its target. It was designed to induce maximum carnage and kill anyone and everyone within its radius.

The attacks that killed at least 89 people and wounded over 300 more evoked a chilling echo of the recent past and provided a stern reminder that in the current fragile and tentative political climate and with Iraq’s painfully slow healing from historic and deep rooted ailments, the dark days of sectarian civil war and mass bloodshed may not just be a tale of the past.

The proof that al-Qaeda is alive and kicking and with eyes firmly  on derailing any chance of a positive American withdrawal at the end of the year, is worsened by growing tension, ethnic killings and evictions in the disputed regions between Kurdistan and Iraq.

Too often deep lying problems in the Iraqi framework have been covered by so-called symbolic milestones and ceremonial political achievements.

The key issues that continue to blightIraqremain as intense as ever. The Sunni population in spite of successive years of reaching out by Baghdad and Washington, still feel marginalised and after  a high-profile fall from grace, look with great suspicion and resentment at their Shiite counterparts who control Baghdad and who they believe is been manipulated by Tehran.

The Kurds, whose existence under the Iraqi banner has been tainted with tears, repression and bloodshed, continue to view Baghdad with animosity and scepticism that has only grown by constant foot-dragging over the implementation of constitutional articles.

Several years after its legal enshrinement, article 140 of the constitution continues to gather dust. Despite decades of Arabisation and forced eviction of Kurds from their ancestral homes, thousands have been denied justice. Ironically, Arabs continue to accuse the Kurds of attempting to change the demography of the disputed regions, for wanting to correct the wrongs of the past.

With the provision of security such a core pillar of the newIraq, Kurds in the disputed regions demand their defence and protection from theKurdistanregional forces. The growing crisis in the Diyala province and surrounding areas has underscored the vulnerability of the Kurdish population under the protection ofIraqnational forces.

Peshmerga forces left the Diyala province in 2008 under an agreement with Baghdad but recent events prove that they are needed more than ever.

Continued reports of murders and the eviction of thousands of Kurds is a stark warning to the KRG. It is the responsibility of the KRG to protect the Kurds wherever they may be. Protection of Kurdish rights and livelihood has no boundary. The lands may be so-called disputed but there is no dispute that the Kurds have every right to live in their homes with full safety and assurance.

While deportations and ethnic cleansing may have been a common part of Saddam’s regime, this is supposedly the new democratic and all inclusive Iraq and a far cry from the dark days of the past.

Escalating tensions between the Kurdish forces and the Iraqi forces was only partially papered-over by U.S. mediation. As the foot-dragging continues over Kirkuk and the disputed regions and as the safety of the Kurdish population is endangered, it would be a great detriment for Kurds to remain idle and hope that one day Arabs will soften their nationalist stance and embrace Kurdish aspirations.

The deadly attacks by al-Qaeda and the growing incapacity of Iraqi forces to provide peace and stability in the disputed regions continue to place al-Maliki under a firm spotlight. As the already fragile political shape in Baghdad is tested further, continued bloodshed will continue to undermine al-Maliki’s grip on power and increase Sunni influence.

Analysts often tie the perseveration ofIraq’s security with an extended American stay.Iraq’s security forces are a far cry from the early post Saddam era. The soldiers and police forces now number in the hundreds of thousands, all armed and trained.

Iraqis security forces are not affective as they are still plagued by sectarianism, distrust, lack of direction, coordination and sense of duty to all of Iraq, not because they are small in numbers or do not have weapons to provide protection. 

Al-Maliki yearns for a U.S. troop extension not because Iraq needs more firepower but because Washington’s continued hand in Iraq fortifies his grip on power. The appointment of a member of his governing coalition as acting defence minister in the aftermath of the recent attacks was seen by many as a move by al-Maliki protect his authority.

Several months after the coalition government was formed, al-Maliki has failed to appoint ministers for the defence and interior portfolios, with rival groups accusing him of harbouring security agencies. Furthermore, the Erbil agreement that ushered an uneasy alliance has not been implemented.

Owed to the fractured nature of Iraq, providing a true national army has been difficult. Sunni Awakening Councils continues to represent a large bulk of the Sunni defence forces. The thousands of Awakening forces have not been properly integrated into the national security makeup and Sunnis continue to look at the predominantly Shiite national forces with unease.

As for Kurdistan, they have rightfully refused to reduce their forces under pressure fromBaghdadand the Peshmerga forces continue to function as the only true representatives of the Kurds.

In reality, until there can be a comprehensive and true national coalition government in Baghdad that somehow appeases the fractured socio-ethnic mosaic, American presence for another 10 years won’t make a difference.

All Washington has done is buy time for successive Iraqi governments and Iraqis have reacted by wasting this time and failing to build bridges. As long as the unity of Iraq, common trust and the political climate continues to be fragile, the security situation will be unstable at best.

As for Kurdistan, Baghdad has squandered years of opportunity in resolving the issues of disputed territories and enacting national hydrocarbon laws through constant failed promises.

Kurds cannot wait for several more years of dithering and inaction by Baghdad especially if the violence against the Kurds continues. Keeping lid on such emotive issues cannot be achieved indefinitely, sooner or later the situation between Kurdistan and Baghdad will come to the boil. As U.S. departs sooner or later, it will become clear that Iraqi misfortune is much more down to Iraqis than Americans, in fact in losing America Iraq loses the glue that has bound Iraqis however loosely in recent years. 

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Growing polarisation of Turkey deepened by a policy of no-peace and no-war

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The promise of progression in the Kurdish opening and a true resolution to Turkey’s age old Kurdish dilemma has slowly disintegrated.

Rather than a positive climate that should been created by AKP’s historic success at the recent elections with anticipation of democratic reform and a new constitution combined by a record number of Kurdish PM’s elected to parliament, the last few months have served as an ominous prelude to a growing social divide, increased bitterness and rising inter-communal  tension.

The PKK continues to cast a hefty shadow on the Kurdish landscape yet the government refuses to negotiate with them, and continues to attack them culturally, politically and militaristically thereby punishing all Kurds.

Underpinned by a Kurdish boycott of parliament and a contentious declaration of democratic autonomy much to the fury of Ankara is a number of controversial trials of Kurdish politicians and a deepening Kurdish-Turkish divide created by a growing number of Turkish casualties in an escalating war with the PKK.

With signs of a dangerous increase in the polarisation of Turkey, sentiments are hardly helped with the recent high-profile charges against Kurdish politicians.

Only this week Turkey charged over 100 Kurdish politicians, 98 of which are former mayors, for signing a demand over two years ago that called for better conditions for imprisoned former PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan.

Prosecutors had deemed that such demands constituted terrorist propaganda, whereas for the Kurds it merely reemphasised the prevalent out-dated mentality and approach of the Turkish judiciary. The politicians could face years in jail and the trials will almost certainly placate growing Kurdish resentment towards Ankara.

As witnessed by the huge Kurdish uproar and protests that came with a number of pre-election arrests and charges, the Kurds are increasingly determined to stand up to what they see as Turkish political aggression against the advancement of the Kurdish cause. The BDP have maintained a boycott of parliament in retaliation for the stripping of jailed deputy Hatip Dicle of his seat.

The proclamation of more trails comes hot on the heels of popular Kurdish deputy Aysel Tuğluk who was elected to parliament last month been given a two year sentence for similar charges.

Placing a dark cloud on reconciliation and soothing of sentiments is the high-profile “KCK trials” which includes 12 Kurdish mayors and dozens of other politicians. Ankara has accused them of been part of KCK, an umbrella organisation of the PKK.

The nature of these trials has cause greater enmity amongst the Kurdish community and even criticism from the European Union and international observers. The continuing harassment of Kurdish political parties and the application of ruthless outdated penalties in cases where there is subjective evidence at best, not only damages the chances of a breakthrough via Kurdish political channels but yet again places the Kurds into opposing camps of thought.

The Turkish government has vehemently refused to negotiate with the PKK on an official level, yet the continuing disillusionment in Kurdish circles and the suppression of any Kurdish political vehicle, means that the PKK remains as entrenched a part of the Kurdish problem and thereby its solution as ever.

Only this week Abdullah Ocalan in a detailed and emotive statement ended talks with the AKP, claiming “If they want me to resume a role then I have three conditions, health, security and an area where I can move freely”.

It is clear from the statement that the AKP has long been in discussions with the PKK. However, while refusing to legitimise the demands of the PKK against a backdrop of hawkish circles, it at the same time tries to muster peace.

Ocalan accused both the AKP and PKK of using him as a ‘subcontractor’ and for their own purposes. Ocalan claimed the AKP wants war and does not want to resolve the question.

While some claim that Ocalan’s apparent criticism of the current PKK command and those who rally around his name, is a sign of dissent within PKK circles, it is not clear how much sway Ocalan had in any case from his prison cell. Ocalan’s name continues to be used as a figurehead and to strengthen the PKK identity, in reality the PKK is the result of a greater Kurdish problem and not an Ocalan problem. Even if the PKK were banished, under the current hostile climate another off-shoot will quickly emerge.

Turkish nationalism and suffocation of the infant Kurdish political renaissance means more than ever the PKK remain the default representation of the Kurds and the only true interlocutors to the Kurdish problem.

It seems that after thousands of lost lives, billions dollars of lost expenditure and decades of failed policies towards the Kurds, Ankara still doesn’t come to term with the limits of any military solution. In recent weeks the Turkey has reaffirmed its commitment to attack the rebels with all its might. The life of either a Kurd or Turk is equally sacred and tears of a mother are equally regretful. After 40 years of confrontation and painful memories, it is time that all sides see that bloodshed must be ended.

Only recently Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan boldly proclaimed, “there is no Kurdish problem; only a PKK problem.” And that the issues of the Kurdish citizens in Turkey are not to do with the PKK.

On the contrary, the PKK has not been eradicated because Turkey has refused to see that the problem is not 5000 guerrillas but 15 million people. Without resolving the root of its age-old conundrum, Turkey’s continual cutting of branches will never bear any fruit.

The issue of the 5000 guerrillas and the 15 million people goes hand in hand. More than ever the PKK is intertwined with the struggle of the Kurds in Turkey.

Too often Turkey’s policies have meant that Kurds have been trapped with no real alternative. Not for the first time, the Kurdish political campaign has ground to a halt and the PKK remains the noose by which Ankara can control and intimidate the Kurds. Ankara too often not only tries to resolve the problem without the PKK but without the Kurds themselves.

Turkey’s policies continually place the Kurds into the hands of the PKK, yet ironically the Turks then use this as an opportunity to charge Kurds for been supporters of the PKK.

It is Ankara’s policies and continual labelling of any pro-Kurdish figure as PKK or terrorist related that has given the PKK more weight.

This general labelling of Kurds in Turkish circles as separatists or PKK collaborators has fuelled inter-communal friction. Not all Kurds support the PKK lest all Kurds been supporters of violence or having anti-Turkish sentiments.

This is demonstrated with the strong support for the AKP in previous elections, and even though they were over shadowed by BDP’s record success at the recent polls, the AKP still mustered 30 seats.

But clearly the Kurds feel that they have given the AKP enough time and support, but the AKP has not lived up to its pledges and bold pre-electoral promises.

The problem is that although the AKP has made a number of positive steps and breakthroughs in resolving the Kurdish problem in last decade or so, their hands are tied by the nationalist elite and general nationalist euphoria that plagues Turkish society.

Keeping the Kurds content with piecemeal gestures in the east yet appeasing nationalist circles in the west has proved almost impossible.

On the back of the recent spate of Turkish casualties in fighting with the PKK, inter-communal tension has become dangerously high.

Popular Kurdish singer Aynur Dogan was heckled off the stage by the audience at a concert for singing in Kurdish after the death of Turkish soldiers. This was preceded by protests and attacks by both sides in Istanbul.

This attack on Kurdish identity shows the progress that Turkey still needs to make. There appears this mentality that an attack on a Turk by a small group of Kurds is akin by an attack by all Kurds.

The younger generation of Kurds, with growing expectations and resentment towards Ankara, will be more difficult to appease. This standoff between expectant and frustrated Kurds and the government’s tentative dealing of its Kurdish problem will only lead to a wider gulf.

The only solution is a new Turkey that embraces the Kurds as true partners and as a key component of their society.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Iranian incursions into Kurdistan damages the credibility of Baghdad and the US

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The intensifying Iranian battle with PJAK rebels highlights the failed policies of Iran and Turkey in addressing their long-standing Kurdish problem.

Whilst Turkey’s long standing battle with the PKK on the Iraqi Kurdistan border region often dominates the headlines, ironically there is a mirror conflict on the other side of the border between PJAK and Iran.

In a familiar tone to their Turkish neighbours, Iran has accused the KRG of supporting the Iranian Kurdish rebels and has frequently defended their frequent violation of Iraqi sovereignty as a “right”.

Much like their Turkish counterparts, Tehran sees the issue of the rebels as a terrorist issue as opposed to a greater national identity issue and has refused to address the roots of the problems through dialogue, reconciliation and modern principles.

This week saw fierce clashes between the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) and PJAK rebels along the Kurdish region border and within KRG territory itself. Some Iraqi media reports had claimed as much as 10,000 Iranian soldiers may have penetrated the region.

Although clashes appear to be intensifying, Iranian shelling and bombing of the northern-most areas of the provinces of Erbil and Sulaimanyia is nothing new. This has led to much damage, death of livestock, disruption of lives and even civilian casualties.

The recent incursion and fierce clashes in Iraqi territory comes despite a recent warning by Massoud Barzani over his increasing weariness over Iranian actions.

“We condemn the artillery fire against Iranian citizens in the border region of Kurdistan,” stated Barzani earlier in the month. Such measures should naturally lead to review of bilateral relationships even if Kurdistan has worked hard to forge strong relations with Tehran.

In light of the Shiite-led governments of Iran and Iraq enjoying close cooperation, the violation of sovereignty with US troops still in large numbers on Iraqi soil, is stark threat, sets the wrong precedence and endangers Kurdistan’s credibility. Can Baghdad prove it can throw its own weight in the face of transgression from the Shiite partners or does Tehran’s increasing military and political clout now place Iraq under their direct sphere of influence?

As Iran tries to eliminate their Kurdish rebels, it continues to support a number of proxy forces in Iraq and the Middle East, on the doorstep of America forces. Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta recently stated that Iran’s government had stepped up its weapons shipments to Shiite extremist groups, echoing trends of the past few years.

PJAK took up arms in 2004 but Kurdish resentment with successive Iranian governments goes back several decades. Whilst Iranian Kurds have never been denied outright unlike their brethren in Turkey and have had a level of cultural freedom, any notion of Kurdish power lest autonomy has been harshly crushed. The Kurdish battle for self-rule and more government representation goes back to before and after the Iranian Islamic revolution.

For the best part the Kurds had shaky relations with the Shah’s government and initially supported the overthrow of the Mohammad Rezā Shāh Pahlavi in favour of the Islamic revolution in hope of achieving a new break and stronger political influence. However, as a predominantly Sunni group, their demands for power, representation and autonomy was seen as a threat to the new regime in Tehran and a step too far for Iran’s new leaders. The Kurds were denied seats in the assembly of experts formed in 1979 and tasked with the writing of the new constitution.

As early as 1979 Kurdish rebels were engaged with battles against Iranian forces with Ayatollah Khomeini declaring Jihad against the Kurdish people.

The Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) and the leftist Komala (Revolutionary Organization of Kurdish Toilers) held the flagship of the Kurdish armed resistance at the time. Although the KDPI has long withdrawn from its military struggle, its new quest of achieving goals through diplomacy and non-violent means has hardly borne great fruit proving Iran’s lack of real desire for a sincere reach-out to the Kurds as it simultaneously tries to crush the rebels but offer little alternative in return.

PJAK is a part of the Kurdistan Democratic Confederation (Koma Civakên Kurdistan or KCK) umbrella along with the PKK and affectively share common ideology and command structure. Whereas the PKK has been strongly condemned by the US, for years there were reports of US contact and support with the PJAK rebels much to the annoyance of the Iranians.

With Iranian proxy cells causing chaos for the US at the height of the Iraqi insurgency, the PJAK was one tool that the Americans could use against Tehran.

However, perhaps owed to Obama’s vision of soothing ties with Iran and repairing the damaged US foreign image, Obama was quick to declare PJAK a terrorist organization and froze its assets to appease Tehran.

Furthermore, the PJAK and PKK issue has somewhat given Turkey and Iran a further incentive in their recent warming of ties.

As we have seen with Turkey, decades old problems will not disappear with a continuation of out-dated policies. Tehran must embrace the Kurds as a key component of their landscape and not continuously as a threat due to ethnic and sectarian differences.

With the might of the Turkish military on the one side and the Iranian forces on the other, the Kurdish region is somewhat caught in the middle and in a tenuous position. It relies on both powers heavily for economic and political prosperity but the at the same time its land cannot be used as a board for Iranian and Turkish military games.

Even with Iranian military commanders claiming that Iranian security forces took control of three bases and inflicted heavy losses on PJAK rebels, the end game does not change. Neither the PKK nor PJAK is here to go away anytime soon. Iran needs more comprehensive measures to deal with its internal problems and the US and European powers should play their part in embracing increased rights for the Kurds and condemning Iranian aggression.

The KRG leadership must continue to strongly denounce any incursion into their territory. The Kurdistan Region aims to become a formidable regional power in its own right and must at a minimum not succumb to been used as pawns for the agenda of their neighbours against their respective Kurdish populations.

The wider message is simple. The Kurds are here to stay and have every right to live in peace, freedom and prosperity as their Iranian, Iraqi, Syrian or Turkish counterparts.

Turkey and Iran has worked hard to pressure the Iraqi Kurds into conflict with the PKK and PJAK through their baseless political mind games. PKK and PJAK are not and never have been Iraqi Kurdish issues. They are both the by-product of years of oppression and denial of rights in both respective countries.

The KRG leadership must stand firm against Turkish or Iranian bullying but crucially provide diplomatic support for their Kurdish brethren. The Kurds were divided not through choice but by brute force. A Kurd is no different whether in Syria, Turkey or Iran.

The Kurds in Iraq must not be weary of conceding relations with Iran by taking a firm stance.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.