Author Archives: admin

Syrian Kurdish discord threatens to derail historical juncture

While most of Syria has been embroiled in turmoil and large-scale suffering, the Syrian Kurds have been presented with historic opportunities and the building blocks for unprecedented autonomy.

However, clashes with Syrian rebels, frosty relations with Ankara, not forgetting wide disunity, jostle for power and even clashes between rival Kurdish factions, threatens to derail the Syrian Kurdish project.

For some 2 million or so Kurds in Syria, there are dozens of political parties which tell its own story. Even before the start of the conflict in Syria, the Kurdish movement was largely plagued by disunity and lack of leadership. Unlike other Kurdistani constituents in Iraq, Iran and Turkey, the Kurdish struggle never had the same firm nationalist foundations. Today Syrian Kurdistan is at the forefront of the new Syria and the Kurdish nationalist renaissance.

However, growing hostility and struggle for influence is threating intra-Kurdish conflict at the time when all energies should be fixed on consolidating Syrian Kurdish gains and its future role in Syria.

The Erbil agreement of 2012 sought to paper over the cracks and bring a level of coordination and unity between the PKK leaning Democratic Union Party (PYD) led groups and those with closer links to Massaud Barzani and the Kurdistan regional leadership.

However, the accord has been tainted with suspicion and animosity from the start. The PYD clearly has the upper-hand in power and support, with the Kurdish military arm, the People’s Defense Units (YPG), dominated by the PYD.

Other Kurdish parties have worked to readdress the political imbalance. This clear line of contention culminated in a crisis between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) leadership and the PYD in recent days after the arrest of 74 members of the Barzani-backed Democratic Party of Syria.

The arrests led to strongly-worded statements from the Kurdistan President and a closing of the KRG border with Syrian Kurdistan.

The statement from Barzani’s presidential office accused the PYD of reneging on the Erbil agreement, marginalising other parties and killing and detaining people.

The statement warned against the PYD to change its attitude and not to “…declare itself the representative of Kurdish people in Syria before elections are held.” Barzani warned the KRG would pursue another course of action if perceived autocratic rule continued.

PYD leader, Muslim Saleh, pointed to disagreements amongst the Kurdish National Council (KNC), which includes the recently formed pro-Barzani Kurdish Democratic Union, for cracks in the Erbil agreement.

Saleh emphasised that the arrested members had received military training in Kurdistan and that they would take action against any armed group not within the PYD led YPG umbrella and that fall under the Supreme Kurdish Council. Saleh welcomed any mediation efforts but warned against Barzani support for rival factions.

There is clearly a mismatch between the PYD’s aim to remain the enforcers on the ground and the KRG and the KNC aim to readdress the balance of both political and military power.

The only way of clarifying the grapple for power is via free and open elections. But even then, without a balanced and unbiased security force, whoever has military power will have a greater say.

Syrian Kurdistan is in great need of the KRG, both for political stability and as an economic and social lifeline. A deterioration of relations within Syrian Kurdistan and with the KRG leadership will be of great detriment to the Region.

The Kurdish military units should unite under one rank and for one purpose, to serve Syrian Kurdish aspirations. Narrow minded political agendas of any party are a backward step in the Kurdish nationalist struggle. With instability and raging civil war on its door step, an uncertain future and hardly firm foundations for its existence or regional backing, Syrian Kurds risk losing a great historical opportunity.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

New Turkish oil venture signals growing clout of Kurdistan

Leave a reply

As the Middle Eastern socio-political landscape has unraveled in recent years, it has transformed the one-time frosty relations between the Iraqi Kurds and Turkey into one of the most important alliances in the region.

The Arab Spring and the rapidly changing power makeup of the Middle East may have played a key part, but money and the power of economy have echoed louder. Trade between the Kurdistan Region and Turkey is reaching unprecedented heights, none more so than in the field of energy.

The booming economy of Kurdistan is underpinned by its status as the last great oil frontier. Kurdistan has billion of barrels of oil reserves and remarkably with the majority of the oil not even discovered.

With the oil rush in Kurdistan, Turkey, with an ever-growing thirst for oil to fuel its heated economy, does not want to remain idle while global players capitalise on immense opportunities on its door step.

The growing energy ties between Ankara and Erbil, has not only resulted in strategic and historic contracts between the two governments setting the stage for a rapid rise in trade, but it has slowly led to intertwined destinies of the Turks and Kurds. This drive has led to great unease in Washington, who ironically, only few years ago were frantically trying to reconcile both parties.

The win-win partnership on an economic scale is in tune with the need to redraw strategic alliances and political balance of power in the Middle East. Turkey needs the stable, secular and Western-leaning Kurdistan, in the midst of a Syrian civil war that threatens Turkey at every turn, Shiite domination in Baghdad rekindling animosity and insurgency amongst Sunnis and not forgetting Iran with its nuclear ambitions and its hands deep in regional struggles.

While Syria took center stage in the diplomatic flurries of recent days, leading to the visit of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Washington, the announcement by Erdogan as he left on the plane for Washington of a partnership between the state run Turkish Petroleum (TPAO) and US giants Exxon-Mobil to jointly explore for oil in Kurdistan, has significant long-term ramifications.

Not only does Kurdistan and Turkey have the basis for direct exports with the implementation of new oil pipelines, but this places Turkey directly at the grass-roots of the Kurdish oil drive.

According to Erdogan “there’s nothing more normal, more natural than Turkey… to take a step that is based on mutual benefit.” In recent months Ankara has strongly defended their agreements with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and has also in turn backed the Kurdish rights under the current Iraqi constitution.

The Kurdish oil boom is long the source of Baghdad ire, which views control of oil exports and unresolved nature disputed of territories, as the last placenta by which they can reign in and influence Kurdistan. With contracts with some of the biggest oil companies in the world and strategic agreements with Turkey, Baghdad’s unease has gone into overdrive.

In reality, the oil majors and Turkey know fully well the risks. The ire of Baghdad is considered secondary to their lucrative opportunities and the strategic and political benefits that such moves harness.

These parties are essentially choosing Kurdistan over Baghdad and such measures only makes the KRG more confident in its economic growth, its regional standing and in its stand-off with Baghdad.

Baghdad may have been playing hardball over payments to foreign oil companies, constitutional interpretations and national budget as well as over disputed territories, but with its hands full in the fresh Sunni uprising, maintaining a shaky national coalition and national elections around the corner, it needs the Kurds and Nouri al-Maliki’s government may have to rethink its policies on Kurdistan.

Kurdistan’s message is simple, it will drive on with its national programme and lofty goals, with or without Baghdad.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Red lines and lack of action – how the bigger picture in Syria is overlooked

Leave a reply

With the death toll from the Syrian crisis rapidly surpassing 80,000, over 4 million displaced Syrians forced to live in poor conditions and the human catastrophe deepening on a daily basis, the continued discussions in America and Europe about the trespassing of “red lines” and what action should follow is an insult to the suffering of the Syrian people.

When will the conflict be considered a crisis worthy of firm action? When the whole region is embroiled in the conflict, when the death toll surpasses 100,000 or even 200,000 or when most of Syria lies in rubble?

The point is, whilst the regime’s brazen and clear use of chemical weapons, meant that the US “red line” was crossed a long time ago, no matter what tools or apparatus is used by the ever desperate Bashar al-Assad, whether it is Sarin gas, ballistic missile or cluster weapons, the end result is the same – destruction of Syria and mass civilian casualties.

Just as in Iraq when the debate was side-tracked by search for weapons of mass destructions, the West often overlooked the bigger picture. Saddam Hussein, amongst his far reaching terror, systemically used chemical weapons on a mass scale on the Kurds and was by far worse than any weapon. By the same token, the Assad dynasty has ruled Syria with an iron fist for decades. It is not just the Assad actions of the past two years and the recent death tolls, what about the thousands dead before and immense suffering that his dictatorship has produced?

Syria is clearly a different case to Egypt and Libya, it has firm allies in the region in Iran, Hezbollah and sections of Iraq, not forgetting their chief arms supplier and bastion at the UN in Russia. However, the difficulty in knowing how to act or finding common ground to act should be no reason to remain idle for such a lengthy period of time.

US President Barrack Obama’s seemingly blurring red line and back-pedalling of the White House sends all the wrong signals to Iran, North Korea and beyond.

Last week Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stated that any red line was crossed long ago. Then less than a week later two car bombs allegedly orchestrated by a group with ties the Syrian intelligence ripped through the Turkish border town of Reyhanli slaying 46 people and resulting in scores more wounded. The Turkish elite warned that a red line was crossed, yet another line, but Turkey is unlikely to retaliate.

While somewhat productive talks took place last week between UK, US and Russia, Russia continues to hold the keys to ending the conflict. The conflict has allowed it to come to the fore in a powerful and influential manner, stamping its authority on the UN and the region, while the US has largely taking a back-stage.

With the EU arms embargo in force, the rebels remain crippled by a lack of arms, as Russia and Iran, for their strategic goals, supply the regime with sophisticated weaponry and Hezbollah lends hundreds of its fighters.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Can the Syrian Kurds turn the tide against Assad?

Leave a reply

Syrian Kurds have endured decades of repression and denial and in the case of thousands treatment as virtual foreigners in the lands of their very ancestors. If anyone should have a gripe against the Baathist regime of Bashar al-Assad it is the Kurds, yet the Kurds have remained largely on the side-lines of the two-year bloodshed in Syria.

While much of the West is locked in debate about ways of ending the immense suffering and the protracted civil war in Syria and speeding-up by Assad’s demise, the Syrian Kurds remain a vital card in tipping the balance of war against the regime.

Division and splinter groups are commonplace throughout the Syrian opposition and it’s no different in Syrian Kurdistan, with dozens of Kurdish parties in the political fold, but with the Democratic Union Party (PYD) continuing to orchestrate the greatest influence and military might.

The Kurds with thousands of well-trained militia would be natural partners to court in the overthrow of Assad, yet ironically Syrian rebel groups, namely Jabhat al Nusra, have been battling Kurdish fighters in the north instead.

Most Syrian Kurds, particularly the PYD with long alleged ties to the PKK, have distrusted Arab opposition groups, especially those with Turkish backing, fearing marginalisation in a post-Assad era or seeing their historic autonomous gains wiped away.

It is for this reason that they have tried to remain relatively neutral in the conflict and facilitated indirect understandings with the regime in Kurdish-dominated areas. It was win-win at the time, as Kurds took historical control of most of their region while Assad was spared a further frontline and likely a further depletion of his forces in a confrontation with the Kurds.

The Kurdish priority was to safeguard Kurdish gains, spare violence in Kurdish areas and to leave their fate in their own hands.

The Kurdistan Region leadership succeeded in uniting the various Kurdish factions last year but animosity and distrust in Kurdish circles remains common-place.

However, in recent weeks it appears that the Kurds are increasingly ready to end their neutrality and fight regime forces. This can be seen with the coordination between Syrian rebels and People’s Defense Units (YPG) in the Kurdish dominated Sheikh Makqsud district of Aleppo, where Kurdish fighters have helped to choke the vital supply routes of the regime.

The regime retaliated for this apparent change of heart by the Kurds with a deadly airstrike on the district killing 15 people as well as attacking Kurdish units on the outskirts of Qamishli, with the Kurds launching their retaliatory attacks of their own. A bombing just this week of a Kurdish village in the oil-rich Hasaka province killed 11 civilians, which the Kurdish National Council called a “serious escalation by the regime”.

In addition, in recent days Syrian rebel groups have started attacking army positions in Hasaka and more importantly on Qamishli itself.

It is not clear whether the recent Arab-rebel attacks in Hasaka is in coordination with the Kurds, but judged by recent events, the Arab rebels are unlikely to have a launched an attack that would have risked a Kurdish backlash as seen in the past.

If the Syrian rebels and Kurdish parties can muster a workable and long-term understanding, the liberation of Qamishli and indeed all of north-eastern Syria would form a formidable enclave against the regime.

The PKK is a card that Syria has effectively used against Turkey in the past, and unsurprisingly Syrian support increased for the PKK rebels after Turkey became key actors in the Syrian struggle and provided major support to the Syrian opposition.

Assad successfully split the Syrian opposition and even the Kurds. But the recent change of Kurdish stance on the ground and a truce that has taken hold between Islamist rebels and the YPG forces is perhaps more linked to developments in the peace process in Turkey than direct changes in Syria.

Turkey is on the verge of historic peace with the PKK and significant strides have been taken since the turn of the year to end the armed rebellion and find a long-term solution to the Kurdish question.

The timing of developments in Ankara is noticeable. Turkey, seeking to became a major force in the new Middle East that is been laid, is facing the prospect of a de facto Kurdish state in Syria alongside the already strong and strategically important Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The Kurdish reality on its doorstep has expedited the quest for peace. A lack of long-term peace in Turkey would severely undermine stability in Turkey and its regional influence.

The effect of the PKK peace process can be seen with a thawing of ties between Ankara and the PYD. If the PKK successfully ends its armed struggle, then for Turkey, the PYD and particularly a Syrian Kurdish region will be much more tolerable.

Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu recently put a list of conditions for any engagement with the PYD, a far cry from a previous stance of no dialogue at all. Although the idea of “pre-conditions” has not gone down too well with the PYD leadership, a level of dialogue is inevitable and somewhat natural and the conditions set when studied are not real obstacles. These conditions include not siding with the Assad regime, avoiding “fait accompli” until a parliament is formed and not supporting terror in Turkey.

The Turkish stance is also linked to its increasing frustration with the prolonged nature of the Syrian war and Assad’s stubborn grip on power. The Kurds, whose areas includes much of the country’s oil wealth, have the strength to turn the tide against the regime and close the one-loop in the north-east of the country that has acted as a breathing space for the regime.

All the while, the West continues to sluggishly ponder their next move in Syria with thousands of Syrian dying each day. While the Western powers have been far too slow to devise a strategy in Syria, Islamist groups who have proved the most coordinated and affective against the regime have filled the vacuum.

As a result of the West’s inaction, there is now a race between Free Syrian Army moderates and the increasingly influential Islamist rebels to take Damascus. The Islamist groups will now have a seat at the Syrian table in the aftermath of the conflict whether the West likes it or not. Failing that, another civil war will mark the end of this one.

As for the Kurds, who are also integral components to any future Syria, a more concrete outreach by Syrian opposition forces and Turkey as well as more recognition and support from Western powers could well mean the pendulum can swing against Assad.

Kurdistan may well be divided, but increasingly the Kurdish borders are been eroded. Future harmony and the attainment of peace in Turkey are linked to Syria and beyond. For example, the PKK will likely maintain a condition that Turkey does not meddle in Syrian Kurdish affairs or adopt any policies against a future Syrian Kurdistan.

Imagine if Kurdish autonomy or rights were not granted in a future Syria and a war broke out, would the PKK and Turkish Kurds stand idle? Could Ankara really intervene in such a situation without aggravating the Kurds? Either way, peace and stability cannot be achieved in any part of Kurdistan, if other parts prove volatile or restive.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Interview with KRG Minister Falah Mustafa Bakir – Head of the Department of Foreign Relations

Leave a reply

The Kurdistan Region, at a crucial juncture in its history, is enjoying increasing strategic and economic prominence, growing global interest and recognition as key constituents of the new Middle East. At the same time, Kurdistan is facing a number of pressing issues such as a crisis of relations with Baghdad and a Syrian civil war on its border.

Bashdar Pusho Ismaeel of the Kurdish Globe spoke with KRG Minister Falah Mustafa Bakir, Head of the Department of Foreign Relations, on a number of key issues.

Kak Falah, thank you very much for your time with the Kurdish Globe. Let’s start with KRG relationships with Baghdad which are at a critical stage. What is your view on the current crisis and what is your demand from Baghdad?

Not only is the current crisis between Baghdad and Erbil at a critical stage, indeed the political process as a whole is in a deep and dangerous crisis. President Masoud Barzani has recalled all the Kurdish MP’s and ministers from Baghdad to come to Erbil for consultations and discuss the possible options that can be taken. This decision is not solely due to the budget being passed without an agreement with the Kurdish MP’s in Baghdad. This decision is only the latest in a string of moves made by the State of the Law bloc and Prime Minister Maliki against the people of the Kurdistan Region. It is no secret that he has opened fronts with not only us but with Iraq’s Sunni Arabs and some of the Iraqi Shi’ite political parties and the main issue which we are all united against is his insistence of making decisions unilaterally with no respect for the constitution, power sharing principles or agreements that he has signed. This will endanger the democratic process and the implementation of federalism in Iraq.

Our demands from Baghdad have been honest and consistent and while we have to be part of the process we are not aware and they are not transparent. Regarding the budget, every year we are humble and transparent in our demands and yet we are painted as if we have excessive demands. What type of unity is Mr. Maliki trying to promote when he does not wish to allocate funds to the Peshmerga, who are part of the Iraqi defense system, protect the borders as well as the internal security of the Kurdistan Region which by extension means protecting Iraq.

In addition, the oil and gas issues are still an issue and it is unfortunate that in 2013, Mr. Maliki still wants the Kurdistan Region to be at the economic mercy of Baghdad. According to Article 117 (3) of Iraq’s constitution, “Regions and governorates shall be allocated an equitable share of the national revenues sufficient to discharge its responsibilities and duties, but having regard to its resources, needs and the percentage of its population.” This is why we have gone ahead with our decision to work towards economic independence so that the people of Kurdistan are no longer at the mercy of one party rule which is sadly the case in Baghdad.

Mr. Maliki controls in addition to the army the security apparatus, the judiciary and even the independent institutions such as the Central Bank and IHEC have been attacked in his attempts to bring those closer to his control.

With Dijla Operations Command established by Maliki and signification mobilisation of forces on both sides, if the situation deteriorates any further, is there a real danger of all-out war between the Kurds and Arabs?

The danger of an all-out war between Erbil and Baghdad is quite remote and rest assured that if any violence were to break out, it would be due to Prime Minister Maliki’s policies and his forces making the first move. Our Peshmerga are stationed for defensive purposes because our history has shown that some of Iraq’s individuals will not hesitate to turn weapons against us in attempts to deflect from their own shortcomings. Mr. Maliki attempts to use Dijla forces and the Iraqi Army not only to threaten our security and stability, but to turn public opinion in Iraq against us and to attempt to deflect from his failure to combat corruption, provide basic services and bring stability to the rest of Iraq after seven years being in charge. Fortunately, the regional situation along with developments on the ground mean that an internal war in 2013 is highly unlikely and Mr. Maliki is slowly realizing that negotiations, not violence are the only way to solve any political disputes between us and Baghdad.

It is now been almost 10 years, a decade, since the fall of Saddam. The Kurds have been patient, but there seems to be no real movement on article 140, a national census, a national hydrocarbon law, oil export payments etc. When will Kirkuk be returned to the Kurds? How patient are the Kurds willing to be on Kirkuk and these other key articles?

Indeed it has been ten years and sadly we have been misled by many on the issue of Article 140. We believed strongly that dialogue, adherence to the constitution and its implementation would eventually take place, but instead we see voices today speaking of Kurdistan’s demands being excessive, when on the contrary we have been extremely patient and could easily have taken full control of these areas ourselves without the need for consensus. We do not want a short term solution rather we need to solve this once and for all, and we believe that the international community as well as the United Nations need to play a more active role in the support of Article 140 and in part they have to be blamed for this issue not being solved so far. For example, the people of the Kurdistan Region have continuously asked for a census to take place across all of Iraq, yet the other political parties keep making excuses. At the same time we are seeing a shift in Sunni Arabs who are starting to also ask for a census in order to be able to ascertain the real numbers of Iraq’s population and from there be able to address their needs.

Our patience is running thin and the recent meetings chaired by President Barzani will result in decisions being made not only regarding the budget but about sidelining Kurds not only from the political process but also denying us our rights enshrined in Iraq’s constitution.

What is your view of the recent wave of Sunni protects in Iraq, is their a danger that the bloody sectarian civil war that peaked in 2007 will be repeated? Does this indicate to you that only way is to create a federal entity for Sunnis?

Iraq’s Arab Sunnis have also been marginalized heavily by Mr. Maliki and his State of the Law coalition and that is why we are constantly in discussions with them and other partners in the Shi’ite community, because the new Iraq belongs to all Iraqis and not to one political party or one sect. There is a real danger of another civil war erupting particularly given Mr. Maliki and his State of the Law members’ comments towards these protesters as well as ignoring many of their legitimate demands. Being a constitutional right, I believe that the Sunni Arabs would be better off with their own federal region and being in control of running their own cities and towns but the decision is up to them and from what I understand some of them do want their own federal region while others think it may be more detrimental for them given their reliance from oil and gas outside their provinces.

The KRG relations with Turkey have been on a rapid rise, with trade, political and energy ties at the forefront. Would you say that as the gap between Kurdistan and Baghdad is growing, that the gap between the Kurds and Turkey is ever closing?

The KRG has an open door policy. The Kurdistan Region would like to establish cultural, economic, political, and educational ties with the international community that mutually benefits both sides, and done within the constitutional framework.

KRG’s policy towards Baghdad and international community is very clear. The KRG has no policy of enhancing its ties with Ankara or any other member of international community at the expense of Baghdad. There are specific reasons behind the fact that our relations with Ankara are growing while we regularly face setbacks in our ties with Baghdad.

Growing relations between Erbil and Ankara are the result of wise and visionary leadership from both sides. The leaders in Kurdistan and Turkey have wisely chosen for establishing mutually beneficial ties that could equally serve the interests of both sides. These relations will benefit all of Iraq.

On the other side, ties between Erbil and Baghdad are not going on the right direction. Unilateral actions by the Federal Government and lack of commitment to the Erbil agreement raise serious questions about the intention of the Federal Government. We are always for strong relations with the federal government, a government that abides by the constitution and believes in partnership and power sharing and in a federal, pluralistic, and democratic Iraq.

The Kurds were often viewed as potentially the “best friends” of U.S.A in the Middle East, however, it appears that Kurds if anything are somewhat frustrated and annoyed with the US. What is your view of current state of relations between America and Kurdistan? Could Washington do more to resolve disputes with Baghdad, and pressure Baghdad to implement constitutional articles? Does America have a balanced approach to dealing with Iraq?

We appreciate the sacrifices made by the Americans in overthrowing the former Iraqi regime and also to the reconstruction efforts following the removal of that regime.

We are for having good relations with the U.S. Our ties with the U.S are not only limited to political interaction between the two sides. American companies and private sector are contributing to the economic developments in the Region, particularly in the field of energy. However, we are not satisfied with the level of American economic presence and we would like to see more involvement form the American investors and businessmen.

Iraq is supposed to be a sovereign country and it has to take its matters on its hands. The prime factor behind lack of progress on solving disputes among Iraqi political parties is lack of political will not lack of U.S interference. Without political will, there will be no genuine solutions to the political crisis facing Iraq.

In the midst of the deadly war to topple Bashar Assad, Syrian Kurds have a unique opportunity to determine and govern their own affairs. How is the KRG supporting their ethnic brethren in Syria? Is the situation in Kurdish areas of Syria viewed as an external affair or a Kurdistani affair by the Kurdistan Region leadership?

We are very concerned about what is happening in Syria and it is important for us for two main reasons. Firstly, we share border with Syria and what happens in Syria affects the Kurdistan Region as well. Secondly, there is a sizable Kurdish population in Syria.

We have always encouraged the Kurdish people in Iran, Turkey, and Syria to find peaceful and democratic solutions to their differences with their respective governments. Our position on the Syrian crisis is very clear. We encourage the Kurds in Syria to preserve their unity and realize their rights in the future state of Syria. We call for an end to bloodshed and violence in Syria and we are for democratic changes through peaceful means.

What is the government’s stance in terms of reforms demanded by the opposition parties, including the draft constitution?

The government and Parliament are empowered by the vote of the people of Kurdistan Region. We do not claim perfection and we are mindful of our shortcomings. The KRG is committed to make meaningful reforms and to improve governance. We have a democratic system and we are making concerted efforts to enhance governance, decrease bureaucracy, and increase efficiency.

Our leadership believes that there has to be a national consensus on the constitution of the Kurdistan Region. The KRG Prime Minister, Nechirvan Barzani has consistently reiterated that the government has no red lines towards the reforms demanded by the people of the Kurdistan Region.

Finally, fast forward 10 years, what kind of a Kurdistan do you see?

It is hard to predict the future but I can proudly say that the Kurdistan Regional Government is making serious efforts and taking meaningful steps to provide a prosperous life for the people of the Region. Domestically, we are trying to provide the highest possible standard of life for our people through building the infrastructure, enhancing our economy and developing our institutions, ensuring the rule of law, promoting civil rights, and investing in our young generation through various programs such as Human Capacity Development Program.

Today there exist international agreements that shape economic relations between countries of the world, and there exists a time frame to implement all these economic agreements whether it is related to industry, trade or services. We should not wait, rather we should act fast in order to attract foreign direct investment.

Externally, our objective is to establish cultural, economic, educational, and political ties with international community. We welcome and value the diplomatic and economic presence of foreign countries in Kurdistan Region. Establishing ties with international community gives us the opportunity to increase understanding not only about our past but also about our vision for future and how international community can contribute to political, cultural and economic developments of our region. We are willing to learn from the experience of international community and ready to utilize their knowledge and expertise in further developing our region.

Our first and last goal is to ensure the rights of our citizens, men, women, youth and children. The individual is the foundation of progress and it is that individual who can guarantee the success of our institutions and consequently of the Kurdistan Region.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Turkey’s peace initiative – ensuring that once rebels drop weapons, they are not picked up again

Leave a reply

The turn of the year has created a unique environment and momentum in Turkey for solving the age-old Kurdish question, better than any time in the history of the Turkish republic, culminating in Abdullah Ocalan’s Newroz ceasefire declaration and an on-going peace process.

While the current progress and general rhetoric is certainly positive, many obstacles lie head and the initiative can be easily derailed.

It has taken bold steps from both sides to get this far and settling a three decade armed struggle cannot be achieved without courageous steps, determination and real compromise and desire. While many in Turkey continue to believe there is no Kurdish question and what remains to be resolved is a “terrorist” problem, true resolution and reconciliation will only come with the acknowledgement that the Kurdish question and the PKK problem are one and the same.

The details of peace talks and agreements, other than through leaked press reports, have been generally concealed. The government needs to be clear and transparent in the negotiations and with practical steps it is willing to take.

These steps must mean wholesale gestures to the Kurds through parliamentary measures and not via a piecemeal carrot and stick approach.

The current debate about the withdrawal of PKK rebels within Turkey highlights the current sensitivity that continues to plague Turkey. The AKP government has refused demands to enshrine the disarmament and withdrawal of PKK rebels into legislation. It remains conscious of nationalist reservations or giving the PKK nemesis credibility or acclaim through any “public” withdrawal.

In the grander scheme of things, dropping of guns will not be an issue and it is likely that in Ocalan’s latest letter to be announced that he will push the rebels to disarm before withdrawing. It is ensuring that these guns are not picked up gain that is the issue.

If Turkish government concessions fail to materialise or appease the greater portion of Kurdish society, the process can easily unravel. Furthermore, without long-term peace and democratic measures, reflected in a constitution that deliver true rights for the Kurds and a level of regional autonomy enveloped with economy growth and investment in the south east, another armed group may simply fly the flag.

With new democratic channels, a constitution that protects Kurdish identity and new jobs, much needed public services and an improved standard of living, a new natural political climate can take hold in the Kurdish regions of Turkey.

Indeed the onset of a new Turkey is a win-win for Turks and Kurds, but for the PKK it has to realise that an end of violence is also win-win for all parts of Kurdistan. The new Kurdistan Region of Syria was hampered by its association with the PKK and a harsh line of Turkey. Peace in Turkey will also result in constructive steps by Ankara with Qamishli.

The anti-Assad stance of the Turkish government led to a somewhat predictable reinvigoration of Damascus ties with the PKK serving to “punish” and destabilise Turkey. The influence of PKK peace negotiations on the PYD can arguably already be seen with escalating tensions between YPG Kurdish forces and regime forces.

Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who for many is staking his political career in the rapprochement with Ocalan, is seeking to make a number of gains in one move.

It cannot ignore the onset of Syrian Kurdish autonomy which raises the nationalist stake for all Kurds and in the fast changing Middle East and surrounded by all four parts of Kurdistan, it can risk animosity with the Kurds at its peril.

Last but not least, peace with the PKK removes one remaining thorn in the already strong and prosperous relations between the Kurdistan Region and Ankara. With expanding energy ties with Erbil and unprecedented trade volumes not to mention the importance of strategic and political alliances with the Kurdistan Regional Government, Ankara can ill-afford to let out-dated nationalist principles mark the growing reality of a new middle Eastern order and with it the rise of the Kurds. Ankara can either ignore the Kurdish nationalist reality to its detriment or harness it for the betterment of Turkey’s regional and strategic goals.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

The Kurdish exodus of 1991 – the plight that transformed Kurdish destiny

Leave a reply

Triumph at time of great adversity – how national despair gave birth to the Kurdistan Region

This week marks the 22^nd anniversary of the great Kurdish exodus of 1991 that was triggered by a cold-hearted retaliation by Saddam Hussein, resulting in a humanitarian plight that Kurds will never forget.

After popular uprisings in both Kurdish and Shiite areas in the aftermath of the First Gulf War, encouraged and then quickly abandoned by an idle U.S., Saddam used the full-force of his arsenal to rapidly quell the uprisings, ruthlessly killing thousands and driving two million Kurds to the Turkish and Iranian borders.

Thousands of Kurds died of starvation, disease and harsh conditions, if not the military might of Baathist forces.

The timing of the latest act of mass repression against the Kurds could not be more ironic. It was merely weeks after the US led coalition swiftly came to the aid of their oil rich friends in Kuwait, days after President George Bush encouraged Iraqis to take matters into their own hands and to compound the misery of the Kurds, it was just three years after the great genocide of Halabja in 1988.

The already ill-fated Kurdish plight undoubtedly hit a fresh low in 1991 and reinforced the feeling amongst Kurds that they have no friends but the mountains. Indeed it was those mountains that were the source of refuge in 1991 when in spite of the growing international media coverage on the Kurdish disaster, the world’s powers laboured far too long to respond.

It’s hard to forget that for their short-sighted strategic interests, the West played a blind-eye to the atrocities committed against the Kurds and in spite of his unforgivable crimes against humanity, kept Saddam in power.

In spite of the immense evidence at the time, the United Nations Sub-Committee on Human Rights inexplicably voted in August 1988 not to condemn Iraq for human rights violations.

All the while, Saddam was further strengthened with the West providing new war planes, more advanced scud capabilities and not forgetting the ingredients for the very chemical weapons that were used against the Kurds.

The thousands of Kurdish refugees were an unwelcome site on the borders for Turks battling their own restive Kurdish population and Kurds endured further pain that they should never have faced upon arriving to what they saw as safety. How ironic that Kurds evicted from their own homes, were treated like foreigners and unwanted guests in the other parts of greater Kurdistan, the lands of their forefathers.

At times greatest of triumphs come at times of great adversity and so it proved for the valiant Kurds. The bravery in the face of the Kurdish uprising of 1991 and the tough conditions for the millions that fled soon after with crucial international spotlight that followed is now a milestone in the Kurdish renaissance and the ushering of a new era in their history.

Of course, great credit must still be placed to the coalition forces and in particular the then UK Prime Minister, John Major, who despite common objection to his stance broke ranks and played a great hand in realising his vision of a Kurdish Safe Haven and the effectively the birth of the Kurdistan Region.

However, as much as Kurds will always be grateful for the ousting of Saddam, at any time for that matter, it cannot be overlooked that for far too long Kurds were left to fend for themselves and in cases such as the Algiers Accord of 1975 fed to the lions.

The Iraqi liberation of 2003 came years too late for the Kurds. It was the strategic interests of the West and the Arab world that led to the mass support for Saddam, particularly in the bloody Iran-Iraq war. Saddam was viewed as a secular bulwark against Islamist revolution of Ayatollah Khomeini and the resurgence of a powerful Iran.

The moral of the story is that as grateful as the Kurds are to the Americans, the U.S. had more pretext to liberate Iraqi in 1991 than 2003 and they only toppled Saddam after the monster that the West created could no longer be contained.

Fast forward 22 years since the great exodus, and Kurdish fortunes could not be more different. The sacrifices of those who fled and of the Peshmerga who bravely battled Saddam were not in vain and indeed it was exactly those actions that make the Kurdistan of today possible.

2003 may have heralded the start of the golden age for Kurdistan but it was 1991 that was the true spark and the “Spring” that transformed the destiny of Kurdistan. It is Kurdish sacrifice, spirit, bravery and desire that pushed the Kurds over the line, more than coalition forces ever did.

Now 2013 marks a new passage in the history of the Kurds and the beginning of a fresh dawn. The Spring Equinox or Newroz always had a special place in people’s hearts and in the numerous milestones it has heralded in recent years. The talk in the Kurdistan Region of today is about economic boom, new construction, oil infrastructure and prosperity. Meanwhile, the talk in Turkey is about peace, breaking taboos and finally taking bold steps to resolving the age-old Kurdish problem. All the while, the Syrian Kurds, breaking from the shadows of their Kurdish brethren, are now key components of both the Syrian and Kurdish national and political landscape.

Times have changed and with the onset of the Arab Spring and the unravelling of the Middle East, the Kurds have risen in prominence.

The Kurdish determination and never-say-die spirit is the very reason for their resurgence today and the fruits of the labours of Kurds in all respective parts of Kurdistan.

But lofty heights and new dawns must bring a firm acknowledgment and great appreciation of the past. The Kurds cannot and will not ever forget the tragedies and travesties of yesteryears.

The Kurdish best friends remain their own brethren and indeed their mystical mountains.

It is all the more ironic that having played such a great role in the repression of the Kurds, some Arabs in Baghdad remain unrepentant and indeed despise the Kurdish economic and strategic drive.

Even America, who stood idle for so long while the Kurds were persecuted, now look to growing Kurdish power and autonomy with weariness, only not to upset their Iraqi friends and the balance of their interests in the Middle East.

The growing energy ties between Ankara and Kurdistan, promoted just this week by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is viewed as the source of Iraq’s disintegration, while America and the West can clearly see it is the policies of Baghdad and specifically Nouri al-Maliki that has been the real wedge in Iraq.

The Kurds must take lessons from their past and ensure their destiny remains firmly in their own hands. The dependence on Baghdad for oil revenues and oil exports is one last umbilical cord that Kurds must cut.

The building of new pipelines and new energy deals with Turkey are protected by Iraq’s constitution.

Kurds must not follow policies to suit their American allies or the wishes of Baghdad but those that benefit the Kurdish nation.

After decades of repression, destruction of thousands of villages and chemical bombings, while much of the world’s powers remained idle, Kurdistan deserves that much.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Kurdish oil exports, one remaining Baghdad noose that Kurds must break

Leave a reply

The latest action by the Iraqi parliament to pass the national 2013 budget despite a boycott by Kurdish MPs is just the tip of the ice-berg in Iraq.

Tensions have been brewing to dangerous levels between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad for some time and the lack of real intent to mend bridges and cool tensions is testament to Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s reluctance to enact a government of partnership and to pursue national reconciliation.

Fast approaching a decade since the liberation of Iraq and the fragmented Iraqi horizon, continuously poisoned by common distrust, lack of unity and lack of true compromise, continues to blight Iraqi society in 2013 much in the same way as it did in 2003.

Maliki’s growing authoritarian policies and the latest decision to pass the budget without Kurdish involvement and approval may have severely irked the Kurds, but it’s wrong to focus merely on the Erbil-Baghdad divide as the source of Iraqi troubles.

The majority of MPs from al-Iraqiya had also boycotted the budget vote and the coalition and power sharing agreement in Baghdad has all but evaporated. Tensions with long-time disaffected Sunnis, greatly encouraged by the Syrian Sunni ascendancy to power, is steadily gathering pace and Sunni demonstrations since the back-end of 2012 still run rife in Sunni strongholds with protestor deaths at the hands of predominantly Shiite forces adding fuel to the fire. Even Shiites within the State of Law, including influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, have expressed concern.

Finance minister Rafa al-Essawi and agriculture minister Izzeddin al-Dolah are two high-profile Sunni resignations in recent weeks over the current protests.

Kurdish ire

The strong Kurdish reaction to the passing of budget in Baghdad was understandable.

With only 168 out of 325 MPs present due to the boycott, the bill may have been passed due to a “technicality” with a thin majority obtained but not involving the Kurds who are such vital components of the coalition and in the union with Iraq is a dangerous development.

Oil sharing and foreign oil contracts are not new bones of contention between the Kurds and Baghdad. Oil exports in Kurdistan have been very much stop-start for a number of years. The source of discontent in the 2013 budget was the amount set aside to pay oil companies in Kurdistan, with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) insisting it is owed $3.5 billion for costs accumulated by foreign oil companies over the past 3 years whilst Baghdad has allotted only $644.33 million in the latest budget.

This issue was one of the main reasons the 2013 budget was not ratified although the Iraqi cabinet approved the budget in October.

The frequent theme from Baghdad over the past several years is that oil contracts signed by KRG are illegal, in spite of the stipulations afforded in the national constitution. Therefore it is hardly surprising that Baghdad continues a hard-handed approach in dealing with the oil sharing issue. Ironically, passing a national hydrocarbon law gathering dust since 2007 that would end all disputes is not even seen as an immediate priority.

The State of Law had argued that Kurds were not entitled to compensation as they had not contributed their fair share to national exports.

As Kurds have insisted for years, any revenue from oil exports in Kurdistan will go to a central pot where Kurds will take their allotted share. Narrow-minded political goals in Baghdad, has failed to realise that a strong oil industry in Kurdistan is a bonus for all Iraqis. Baghdad may have costs of foreign oil companies to cover but what about the billions of surplus revenue that follows? Anyone would think Baghdad is taking a financial loss in dealing with Kurdish oil.

Budget imbalance

Baghdad has continuously refused to pay Peshmerga costs which are stipulated in the constitution. Yet it has been paying salaries of Sahwa Council Sunni militia for a number of years to appease Sunnis and has even increased their salaries in this year’s budget to try and dampen Sunni demonstrations.

Furthermore, whilst Kurdistan develops at a rapid pace but fails to receive fair share of revenues it needs, the province of Nineveh failed to spend around $6 billion of its $10 billion share in the 2012 budget. There is a similar pattern in other provinces.

Next steps for the Kurds

Undoubtedly, the budget issue will make prospects of reconciliation worse between Erbil and Baghdad. The continued halt of oil exports by Kurdistan may seem logical, but it’s counter-productive as Kurdistan needs to press-ahead with its oil industry and economic growth.

The KRG oil ministry confirmed it will not send any agreed quantities of oil unless Baghdad pays the relevant costs to foreign companies.

Control of oil exports is one remaining noose that Baghdad has around the Kurds. If the Kurds have an independent oil infrastructure and an oil pipeline purely on Kurdish soil, it greatly diminishes Baghdad’s bargaining power.

Kurdistan has greatly flourished in recent years whilst the south continues to lag behind, do the Kurds continue with ties in Baghdad or take unilateral measures in deciding national interests?

It begs the question of whether Baghdad sees the Kurds as true partners and looks to Kurdish achievements as an achievement for all of Iraq or does it want to see Kurdistan undermined, regress and stagnate? The Kurds would say recent disputes over Dijla Operations Command, halting of oil exports and now the national budget answers that question.

Baghdad has been intent on scaring oil companies from working in Kurdistan for a while. Giving the option to oil companies of either “us or them” is anything but the tone of partnership.

Kurdistan needs to break that noose, develop an independent oil pipeline and accumulate revenues directly and pay foreign companies from their own budget.

This stance was also suggested by Iraqi Kurdish MP Muhsin al-Saadoun as a measure against the federal government for side-lining the Kurds.

Naturally, Maliki led coalition hit back by threatening to deduct Kurdistan Region’s share of the federal budget.

Either way, something has to give and inaction by the Kurdish leadership is a non-starter. Kurdistan must ensure the destiny of Kurdish affairs is determined by Kurdish hands.

What real benefit have the Kurds ever received from Iraq’s immense oil wealth since Iraq’s creation? Now Kurdish oil must be the source of Kurdistan’s prosperity and to give back to its long-time suffering people and should not be viewed as somewhat of a curse.

Other issues

The Shiite-government announcement of the formation of a new military force under the name of the “al-Jazeera and Badiya Force” situated in the disputed city of Sinjar, which borders Syria is yet another confrontational step by Maliki. A pro-Assad Baghdad is vying for control of its Syrian borders, possibly due to pressure from Iran, with signs this week that the violence is spilling across the border. Kurds have a far different view of Assad and are unlikely to relinquish border control in their own territories to propel Baghdad’s goals in Syria.

Baghdad decision not to pay foreign companies could well be a punishment for Kurdistan’s growing partnership with Turkey and its anti-Assad stance.

Since Maliki assumed a second term in office, Iraq has been in decline. With Sunni’s growing boldness in standing-up to Shiite dominance, who will be around to broker the next government or mediate between Sunnis and Shiites? It certainly won’t be the Kurds.

A previous statement by Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani summed up current sentiments, “Iraq’s citizens are simply tired of Baghdad’s … language of threat and intimidation, which in the cynical pursuit of narrow political agendas only serves to create division and strife.”

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

In the new Turkey, how happy is the one who says “I am a Turk or a Kurd”

Leave a reply

The Imrali peace process in Turkey has created an environment, support base and sense of expectancy that has never been seen before. There is great hope that the new bridge building initiative will lead to the ultimate quest of long-term peace, laying down of arms and a new chapter in the history of the Turkish republic.

Public opinion both within Turkish and Kurdish circles indicate that people are fed up with decades of war and suffering and yearn for peace. Even the staunchest Turkish nationalist has come to terms with the limits of military power. How many billions of dollars of lost expenditure and sheer resources been consumed by one of the largest armies in NATO, yet almost 3 decades on and the loss of thousands of lives of later, the cyclic battle has only served to deepen the divide and inflame tensions in Turkey.

The open keenness of the AKP government and official support for talks with imprisoned PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan, long-time public enemy number one and now seemingly the key facilitator to peace, speaks volumes about changing sentiment.

The lack of a genuine desire for talks, absence of real concessions and common mistrust have in the past quickly clouded any prospects of real peace. Indeed only sincere and bold efforts will realise a new dawn.

In a second visit by a Pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) delegation since the turn of the year, deputies Sırrı Süreyya Önder, Pervin Buldan and Altan Tan visited Ocalan in the island prison of Imrali to discuss and outline the next steps in the peace process.

Although, the roadmap rumoured to have been agreed between Ocalan and Hakan Fidan, the head of National Intelligence Organization (MİT), was not revealed or the specific details of the delegations meeting with Ocalan was not known, according to the three BDP members, Ocalan had referred to the new peace process as a historic step and emphasised on all sides to show “care and sensitivity.”

There were also indications from the BDP delegation’s statement that Ocalan and the PKK were ready to release captives, likely in exchange for release of KCK prisoners, as part of the initial steps.

The roadmap and next steps are likely to be publicised shortly by both sides, although the sense of caution is understandable. Current hopes and expectations have to be put into perspective. It has taken years and much suffering to even reach this juncture, both sides will maneuverer carefully, but what is clear is that if the chance for peace is missed this time around, Turkey may regret it for many years to come.

The whole unnecessary and largely irrelevant argument over which BDP members would visit Ocalan in the latest round of talks shows the sensitivity and wariness of the Turkish government. It wants to be seen to have the upper-hand in this process and that it is calling the shots. The AKP government as ever have the difficult job of appeasing all sections of society, especially nationalists hawks, who have often put a spanner in the works.

The Turkish government must also expect some responsibility for the lack of Kurdish interlocutors on the ground. The PKK has continued to dominate the Kurdish landscape and Ocalan, in spite of his virtual isolation for 14 years, still holds the largest sway and reverence amongst the Kurds. BDP politicians are the very people voted by Turkish citizens in a legal and transparent way and who have seats in the Turkish parliament, and yet the BDP has been blighted by both the governments’ tendency to undermine their influence and PKK’s continuing dominance of Kurdish hearts and minds. The 10% parliamentary threshold has hardly helped the Kurdish political and democratic movement.

The Kurdish rebels are willing to initiate a ceasefire and withdraw beyond the Turkish borders, after all “ceasefires”, albeit unilateral ones are not new. But it is whether the rebels can be adequately appeased. Are rebels just going to simply lay down their arms after decades of battle and thousands of sacrifices? Of course, as part of any precondition, Turkey must take bold and historic steps.

There is no better place to start then the very political and social blueprint of the country, its constitution. A new constitution that recognises the Kurds and enshrines their rights, including a level of autonomy, is of paramount importance. The new Turkey must embrace a partnership between Kurds and Turks, Turkey will always comprise of two components but who live, work and prosper together hand-in-hand and side-by-side. This new Turkey must be a bi-national state based on equality and brotherhood.

Public surveys are important gauge of government performance and public opinion but any decision on the Imrali process cannot and will not satisfy all parties. Sometimes politicians must make decisions not to just appease the present constituents but to also safeguard the future wellbeing of a nation.

The will and desire of the Kurds and Turks must not be broken by minorities who will continue to insist on violent means of achieving their goals or by those who hold onto imperialistic ideals. There are many parties within Turkey and the surrounding region who seek to derail peace.

Surveys on whether Kurds and Turks can live together detract from the bigger picture, Kurds and Turks have lived together, largely peacefully, for hundreds of years.

The time for violence and armed rebellions is certainly over but so is the time for out-dated ethos and a society based on inequality. In the new Turkey, how happy is the one who says I am a Turk or a Kurd.

First Published On: Kurdish Globe

Other Publication Sources: Various Misc.

Interview with Nadhim Zahawi – Kurdish UK MP

Leave a reply

In May 2010, Nadhim Zahawi became the first Kurd to be elected as Minister of Parliament (MP) in the UK. Zahawi secured the historic constituency of Stratford-on-Avon in the iconic and oldest parliament in the world. Zahawi talked to the Globe’s Bashdar Ismaeel on a number of important topics, including making history, his roles as MP and co-chairman of the All Party Group for Kurdistan and his hard-work and determination in getting the Kurdish genocide recognised in UK parliament.

As the symbolic first Kurdish MP elected to UK parliament, what is the significance to you and also the Kurdish nation as a whole in receiving such an honour?

It is a real privilege to be a Member of Parliament (MP), in what is the mother of all parliaments coming up to its 750^th birthday, and of course to represent a constituency like Stratford-On-Avon, with its immense history and previous office holders that have included John Profumo, Angus Maude, to the enlarged constituency which was Antony Eden’s of course. It is an incredible place and to have elected Nadhim Zahawi as their representative is a great privilege and a great honour.

I think it is important that all ethnic groups, especially for Kurds, who decide to make their home anywhere in Europe, whether in the UK, Sweden, Germany or elsewhere, to engage in the political process, the civic process, to be become councillors, governors of schools and MPs, to get involved in their local charities and local communities. Because at the end of the day, if you are able to contribute to the society that you live in, then you can also hopefully help those back home.

Never forgot your heritage and your ancestry and that combination are incredibly powerful, and many other ethnic groups have done incredibly well around the world and have been able to help their people in their countries of origin.

Of course, your first priority will naturally be serving the people of Stratford-on-Avon, who have chosen you as their MP, but as a Kurd, how are you working to raise the Kurdish cause and improve UK ties with Kurdistan?

I think you’re absolutely right. My first, second and third priority is to serve the people of Stratford-on-Avon. They put me here to be their champion, to be able to represent them at every level in Westminster. But you are also right in that I think it is important as I mentioned earlier that everyone remembers their history, heritage and background, and I believe it is a duty upon all Kurds, who have become US citizens, Swedish, German or British, to do their bit for the Kurdish cause. I think I have contributed in the past two and a half years, the first thing I did when I came here is to join the All Party Group for Kurdistan and I am now co-chairman of that group. We then decided to spend a lot of time, resource and effort into looking at the genocide that occurred in Iraq and on the Kurdish people. We have a genocide committee, which I asked one of my colleagues here, an excellent campaigner MP, Robert Halfon, to chair and which is making real progress now.

We had a petition that has now received almost 30,000 signatures, we would like to see it get to 100,000 and I would ask every Kurd, whether in Kurdistan or the UK, to ask their friends and family to sign the petition. It is very important that the British parliament recognises the genocide of Kurdistan, coming up to 25^th anniversary of Anfal and of course Halabja. So this is an important year and it is important that we play our part to ensure that the world knows and never forgets.

UK-Kurdistan ties were solidified in 1991, and have generally remained strong up to today, could the UK do more in Kurdistan? Is the UK government doing enough to support Kurdistan economically, politically and to promote business?

Whenever we talk about relations between Kurdistan and the UK, we have to recognise the contribution that John Major made in protecting the Kurdish people in 1991 with the no-fly zones. The current Prime Minister in the chamber and the Foreign Secretary in the chamber, William Hague, referred to that protection of the Kurds because the Iraqi Foreign Minister, Hoshyar Zebari, at a meeting of foreign ministers during the Libya crisis, when Britain stepped in to do the same thing, to protect the Libyan people, was present and reminded the room that he would not be in that room if it hadn’t been for John Major protecting the Kurdish people. So one must always remember that.

I think business wise we can always do more. I would like to see direct flights from the UK to Erbil, Sulaimaniya and hopefully Duhok and other cities in Iraq as they develop their aviation infrastructure. I would like to see more UK businesses been involved in the oil and gas industry, which is becoming an incredibly important industry in Kurdistan. In fact, Kurdistan is now referred to as the exploration capital of the world, thanks to the hard work of Dr. Ashti Hawrami, who has been an extraordinary Minister of Natural Resources, and a real visionary for the country. But as he would say, if he were here, we need to see more service companies coming in because it is not just the upstream that you need, the Exxon’s, Chevron’s and Total’s and the Talisman’s of this world. But you also need the service sector, because the service sector at the end of the day are the ones that do the hard work to ensure that the oil and gas is extracted and delivered internationally and to the domestic market.

In other areas, we are very strong in the UK in accountancy, in the legal system and in various other industries. 2012 saw the UK become a net exporter of cars. Certainly in my constituency of Stratford-on-Avon, I have got Jaguar, Land Rover and Aston Martin, head-quartered on the borders of my constituency. So the automotive industry needs to be reflected in a bigger way, although I know that Jaguar and Land Rover are doing great business in Kurdistan and can only do more.

All these sectors need to be enhanced and the UKTI is working very hard with the KRG representative office in UK, who do a great job I have to say. The representative office in London is best of breed, in organising conferences and match making between business and needs in Kurdistan. There was a fantastic water and agri conference here with the minister coming over, with 18 projects that were very clearly outlined with clear targets, with British businesses to look at and hopefully bid for.

In terms of electricity, Kurdistan benefits from almost 24-hours of electricity provision, but the consumption has increased exponentially with more industry coming in and the rise in consumer consumption. We can do more with our British companies. In the gas industry, British Gas and others should get involved in our incredible gas finds in Kurdistan.

So in all these areas, I try and work very hard, both in my role as the co-chairman of the All Party Group but also I sit on the Business Innovation Skill Select Committee, that is a business department that I scrutinise and I always make sure that they are playing their role in delivering that relationship between the UK and Kurdistan.

The great persecution and terror of the Baathist regime is one of the reasons why you and many other Kurds fled to sanctuary of the UK, in the ethno-sectarian turbulence of Iraq and the monopolisation of power in Baghdad is the UK ready to protect Kurdistan and Kurdish people against any new tyranny?

In the post Saddam Hussein Iraq, the political groups in Iraq came together and drafted a constitution, which the Iraqi people ratified through a referendum. It is very important that the whole of Iraq and all its political components respect that constitution and that constitutional arrangement. That arrangement recognises very clearly the rights of the Kurdish people, the autonomous right of the Kurds, their parliament and the ability to design the way they want to be governed is all there. There are issues, of course, around Kirkuk, the hydrocarbons law and a number of other issues which do need addressing.

I think it is important that Iraq continues on the journey of democratisation. And democracy by the way, isn’t just about a cross in the ballot box on a piece of paper, democracy is about establishing and strengthening institutions that protect the rights of all citizens of a country, especially minorities. Civilised societies are judged by how they deal with their minorities and how they protect those minorities, as opposed the mere wishes of the majority. I think it is very important that all Iraqi politicians remember that and it is very important that those institutions are enhanced and supported. What I mean by that is rule of law and an independent judiciary that in no way is influenced by politicians and politics. Like in the UK, nobody in their right mind would dream that a judge in any way would make a decision based on who is in government and wanting to please that party in government.

This needs to be the same in Iraq for people to trust the judiciary; they have to feel that the judiciary is truly independent. An independent and robust media that is also responsible needs to be established, and protected from the state and other areas of government. The sooner that Iraq and its political groups continue that journey, the better it is for the whole of Iraq.

Kosovo, South Sudan are just recent examples of new states assuming their right to self-determination and been support by the likes of the UK and the international community while Kurdistan has been cruelly denied, as we say in English is “what’s good for the gander, good for the geese”?

I think the right to self-determination is a basic human right. You look at what we are doing here in our own union, where the Scottish people and the ruling power of Scotland, the Scottish Nationalist Party, have campaigned on a platform of independence as far as they are concerned and wanted a referendum. Of course, my government here, led by David Cameron, recognised that and have granted a referendum. Actually, I think that you will find the majority of the Scottish people will choose to remain within the union because they see the strength of the union and the union as something incredibly valuable. But they have that right and to deny that right to any human been would be wrong.

In saying that, I also think that as far as the UK is concerned, in its focus on developing Kurdistan, in making sure that people have good jobs to go to, children have great schools to go to, when people are ill they have fantastic health service that looks after them, the elderly and frail are well looked after, there is economic dynamism, the economy is growing. If you look at nations around the world, none was more battered and bruised than the German people or the Japanese people after the Second World War, and the way they picked themselves up was through economic development and growth. The way they become world beaters is through the understanding that if you are economically powerful, then you have a seat at the table, you matter in the world.

I wouldn’t be arrogant enough to advise the political leadership in Kurdistan, other than to say you are doing the right thing in focusing on economic development and making sure that is in place because that is the building block for you to then able to begin to consider issues like self-determination and what the Kurdish people ultimately dream of.

Approaching 3 years since been elected Stratford-on-Avon, how do you look back on your time and achievements to date?

Stratford-on-Avon is a wonderful constituency. It has 79 villages and hamlets, wonderful market towns, and of course the great town of Stratford-upon-Avon where that extraordinary poet and author, William Shakespeare was born and where his resting place lies.

I have had almost 3 years here, your quite right. I have focused on my select committee work, the Business Innovation Skill Select Committee, because my background as a businessman before entering this place was running a public company here in the UK. Understanding the innovation space helped me to be elected to that select committee. By the way, for the first time in the history of our parliament, the select committee was elected as opposed to appointed, which gave a stronger mandate because if they were appointed then seniority may have played a bigger role, therefore, many of the new intake would not have got onto the select committee. Select committees are very important in our parliamentary system. So that for me has been a major achievement.

I organised and led a rebellion against my own government, which one must not do too often if one wants to progress in government, but I felt that the House of Lords reform bill was not one that I could support. Abolishing the House of Lords and replacing it with an elected Senate, I don’t think would have produced a better and healthier democracy. You only have to ask the Americans what they think of their Senate and Congress and the deadlock that they get in their system isn’t particularly healthy for decision making and democracy. I rebelled on that with the support of my association and my constituents; there were many letters and email supporting my position on that.

Other than that single rebellion, I work to promote and support my government. We are doing some very important work here in reforming the government. Remember in 2010, the UK was borrowing something like a £160 billion pounds a year, that’s the deficit. That’s the difference between what we were getting in terms of tax intake into the exchequer, because of course, the government doesn’t have its own money, and it’s yours and my money that we spend in government. Now, we have reduced that deficit down to £120 billion so or by a quarter. Nevertheless, if you do the arithmetic, we are still borrowing £426 million pounds a day. So every time you got to bed and wake up, we notch up another £426 million in debt. That’s what we inherited, an economic mess from the previous government.

We are trying to sort that out, we are trying to shrink the size of government debt, focus spending on those who need it most, and look at the reforms in welfare, focusing on people who need it most but also making sure that work always pays. You will see the pilot coming in April with Universal Credit that we rolled out nationwide. The reforms in education have been extraordinary, if you look at what we have done with education under Michael Gove, to free up schools so that the headmaster and the governing bodies can make real decisions and the parents know exactly who is in charge, so if there is a failure in the system, they know who to go to and there is an individual that is responsible. It’s the head teacher and the governing board, not some faceless bureaucrat in local government or in Whitehall, allowing them to use those budgets where they need to use them and where they can, if they want to, pay extra bonuses for great teachers to come into the school who have done particularly well.

We started in 2010 with around 200 academies and now we have over 2200, and of course balancing the books, reforming education and welfare are the 3 major policies. I think that in 2015 we will be judged on those. If we have delivered on those 3 things, then our prospects of winning an election outright will be incredibly high.

As an MP, what are the key items on your agenda in the UK political sphere? Finally, what are your personal political aspirations?

Personally, I want to be known as the secretary of state for Stratford-On-Avon, this is my ambition. I said that to my association, when they selected me as their candidate to be their MP. I have a wonderful constituency; I think the best in the England. The heart of England as it’s referred to. I want to be able to serve my constituents and make sure that their voices are heard in Westminster. So that’s my goal.

In terms of my focus, we are half-way through the parliament, so the next half of parliament is all about delivery and all about implementation. So my work in the select committee is making sure for example, the Biz departments, which looks after university tuition fees as well as business so that the UKTI and other bits of business promotion is doing well. In terms of reforms in tuition fees, the evidence at the moment points towards a real success story in terms of the reforms we have put through to ensure that our universities continue to be well beaters.

If you look at our reputation around the world, we are second only to America in terms of our university education. Kurdistan has been one of our major clients, in fact Kurdistan has sent over 1250 students to the UK on scholarships.

Many senior politicians in Kurdistan including Ministry of Foreign Relations, Kak Falah, who was a scholar here, did their education in the UK. Kak Barham was educated here, and Kak Dilawar who was the Minister of Education before was at Nottingham University. Wherever you go in the world, not just in Kurdistan, but as far as Malaysia to Brazil, senior politicians, and senior business people will say I went to a university in your country in England. So it’s a very important export for that country. My focus is the department that I scrutinise; that I hold to account in delivering on those things.

I think if every politician, all the select committee, is focused on those things, so the Treasury Select Committee, the Health Select Committee, education and welfare departments all focused on delivery, we will be in a good position come 2015 to point to the delivery on the ground for people that put us here to serve them.